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Socialist Democracy November 2004  Index

FUEL PRICE HIKE, MASS POVERTY, UNEMPLOYMENT, ETC

The PDP's capitalist government headed by General Olusegun Obasanjo recently effected another hike in fuel prices. The working masses across the country, responding to an appeal by Labour and Civil Society Coalition (LASCO), embarked on a FOUR-DAY warning general strikes/protests calling for total reversal of these increments. In all ramifications, the four-day warning strikes was a monumental success in which all key economic activities in both private and public sectors were completely grounded to a halt while the struggle lasted. Sadly however, the Obasanjo's government has ignored this clear demand made by the overwhelming majority of Nigerian people to reverse this anti-poor increment.

Government refusal to reverse this increment is the main immediate reason why LASCO has announced the commencement of an indefinite general strikes/protests across the country with effect from November 16, 2004. We in the Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) pledge our total support and collaboration in the prosecution of this just struggle. We accordingly urge all sections of the working masses and youth to actively participate in the organisation and prosecution of the struggle. For us however, the struggle must be waged, not just to achieve the reversal of the recent hike in fuel prices but equally must be directed against all other anti-poor policies negatively affecting the living standard of the working masses across the country. The NLC president, Adams Oshiomhole, was in our view very right when he said: "This struggle must now…..go beyond the issue of price to include all those problems associated with the growing state of hopelessness and the growing level of destitution and above all, the political regime that has made dialogue completely impossible". (Vanguard, November 1, 2004).

The October 11-14 national stoppage called by LASCO was a monumental success as far as the mass participation of the various sections of the working people across the country was concerned. Therefore, for the November 16 general strikes/protests to be a vast improvement, our strategy and tactics must be designed in such a way that greater successes in different areas are achieved this time around. LASCO and all individual organisations within LASCO and those others in support of the impending action should begin to organise mass meetings, rallies, leafleting, etc among the different sections of the working people and youth in the communities, workplaces, schools, etc with a view to disseminate sufficient information and ideas on the issues at stake. Combined with this process, action/strike committees comprising all active elements in support of the impending mass action must be immediately constituted on an all local government and city wide basis across the country. The activities of these committees among other things will include proper mobilisation and coordination both before and during the mass action itself.

If mobilisation for the impending mass actions systematically developed along the above suggested lines, the November 16 mass action could even turn out to be more successful than that of October 11-14, 2004. One, the impending mass action could be more successful in terms of conscious and massive participation of the working masses of different sections of the society. Two, it could be more successful in forcing the seemingly impregnable Obasanjo regime to reverse the recent hike of fuel prices. Both of these scenarios unfortunately however will be incapable of satisfactorily addressing the issues which gave rise to this general strike and those posed by the general strike itself.

If the forthcoming mass action attracts greater conscious participation of the masses, the question of what to do with the Obasanjo government in the face of such revolt will be squarely posed. If such a movement ebbs by leaving the Obasanjo government in power, can the masses consequently expect the regime to now adopt a different pro-masses policy? Based on our experience, the Obasanjo regime will only redouble its effort legally and politically to ensure that all those whom the regime sees as "ring leaders" within labour and civil society organisations are totally liquidated. On the other hand, if the impending mass action forces reversal of the recent fuel price hike, can the masses thereafter expect a permanent stop to incessant hike of fuel prices? Again the answer is capital NO. On the basis of the capitalist system which unabashedly glorify the opulence of a few in the face of mass misery of the multitude, hike in fuel prices together with simultaneous hike of cost of feeding, housing, education, healthcare, etc are bound to go up from time to time.

Every policy and conduct of the ruling capitalist parties/government across the country clearly reveals a bias for the rich against the poor. Politically, every conduct of these capitalists government equally reveal an attitude of total contempt and repression in their dealings with the masses. While they preach austerity for the masses, these self-serving elements continue to wallow in outrageous splendor. Obasanjo's Minister for Finance, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, officially earns a "modest" sum of $247,000 a year, in a country where the vast majority of the work-force earn less than N10,000 a month! In the year 2004 budget proposal, the price of a barrel of oil was put at $25. For most of the year however, oil has been selling at above $45 and is currently selling for over $50. Sadly however, the stupendous and unbudgeted money accruing to the government in this respect is only being shared by the imperialist’s corporations, and their local capitalist collaborators in and outside government. According to the 2004 United Nations human development survey, over 80% of Nigerians live on less than 1$ (N135) a day for all their needs in the area of feeding, housing, healthcare, education, transportation, communication, energy, etc. Totally unconcerned with the plight of the vast majority of the working people, President Obasanjo is again planning to buy an additional jet running into billions of naira in order to assuage his fruitless, globe-trotting passion, falsely being presented as trips to woo foreign investors.

Politically, government across the country largely acquired their offices through electoral manipulations and rigging. For this reason, the feelings of the masses on any issue count for little or nothing to these elements. Whenever it seems that the masses feelings and conducts are blocking their self-serving objectives, they have always resorted to repression and violence. The proposed bill to amend the Labour Act, an amendment which in essence only strives to destroy every form of working class resistance is a clear proof that the current capitalist rulers are irrevocably committed to an economic and political regime which totally is at variance with the needs and aspirations of the working masses.

So far, General Obasanjo's government main response to the nationwide general strike is the setting up of a committee headed by Senator Ibrahim Mantu, the Deputy Senate President. This committee was saddled with the task of recommending palliative measures to cushion the effect of hike in the prices of petroleum products. First and foremost, the existence of this committee is an open declaration that the Obasanjo's government has no plan to stop its anti-people's policy including incessant hike of fuel prices. Before the October 11-14 national stoppage, both the Senate and the House of Representatives respectively passed resolutions calling for the reversal of the recent hike in fuel prices. In this respect, the existence of this committee constitutes an irrefutable proof that the regime gives little or no regard to the national assembly, a main organ of Nigeria so-called democratic dispensation!

After its first series of meetings, the committee among other things recommended that the government should either reduce or totally reverse the recent increment of fuel prices. In response, President Obasanjo wrote a letter to the committee stating that it had no mandate to discuss the issue of fuel prices and as such can neither recommend reduction nor reversal of the widely-hated increment. However, to give the impression that government was concerned about the plight of the working masses, a sum of N100million each was given to each state ostensibly to cushion the effect of the hike in fuel prices. Apart from the fact that this sum is too meagre to enable the implementation of any meaningful programme in favour of the masses, it will as usual be largely converted to personal benefit of state governors and their cronies who already were bitter about the fact that only President Obasanjo and the clique around him had access to the surplus money generated from the increment of sales of crude oil internationally.

As we go to press, the chairman of the committee, Senator Mantu, was quoted by the press stating that president Obasanjo has now given permission to the committee to discuss the issue of price stability on a long-term basis. This so-called new position is in actual fact a repetition of the old position that government does not intend to reverse the widely hated recent increment! The bitter conclusion that can therefore be drawn from all these, is that this regime and the unjust system which it defends have nothing positive to offer the working masses.

Even if the forthcoming general strike forces the reversal of the said increment, future increments are inevitable as long as the profit-driven capitalist system dominate the Nigerian socio-political ethos. To guarantee availability and affordability of fuel products on a permanent basis to meet the basic needs and aspirations of the working people, the current profit-driven economies strategy will have to be jettisoned. Instead of a system which entrenches individual and private ownership of the commanding height of the economy, the labouring masses have to fight to fight for an economic arrangement wherein the commanding heights of the economy including industry, land, banks and financial institutions, etc are publicly owned and democratically controlled by the working people themselves and where the essence of production and organisation is to cater for the needs of all and not just the private profit of a few.

But as we in the DSM had always explained, this kind of economic programme can only be implemented by a revolutionary government of workers and poor farmers built on the basis of scientific socialism. Yes, this is an agenda that apparently goes beyond the capacity of conventional bourgeois trade unionism and it is precisely for this reason that we in the DSM have also been advocating that concrete initiatives be taken to organise a pan-Nigerian conference of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Trade Union Congress (TUC), Conference of Free Trade Union (CFTU), Joint Action Forum (JAF), National Conscience Party (NCP), etc with a view to fashion out a working class political agenda whose ultimate goal will be capturing political power from the present ruinous capitalist class.

Politically, the capitalist proclaim democracy but in actual fact practice mass deception if not outright mass political exclusion. From working people's point of view, real democracy will mean having actual and practical say on many key issues affecting their daily lives and conditions of living. How much revenue is being generated? How and on what is this revenue is being expended? Who are the elements involved in carrying out this expenditures? Are they elected or appointed? If elected or appointed, do the masses have practical means of recalling this elements whenever these elements are no longer serving their interest? If contracts are given to companies, how would the working masses exercise control over their works?

Without this kind of revolutionary democratic approach, the current rot and looting of public treasuries by public officers will only escalate irrespective of those who may temporarily find themselves in position of power. Therefore, as we prepare for the November 16 general strikes/protests, there is the necessity to arm this working people's movement with the relevant slogans of regime and system changes. Unless this approach is adopted, the current movement sooner or later will become disoriented and demoralized.

Suffice to stress, this, in consequence, will only deepen the agonies of the working masses as the country sinks deeper into destitution, ethno-religious and other forms of sectarian strives and conflicts.

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By Shola Akinbinu, Member, Education Rights Campaign

In continuation of its pursuit of neo-liberal anti-poor policies of commercialisation and privatisation of education, the government has directed the authorities of the tertiary institutions to hands off the management of student hostel accommodation. The school authorities are asked to facilitate the take over of the hostels by private operators.

Nigerian students must resist this new policy on hostel accommodation by the Obasanjo government, which is meant to further the attack on education. Even already before privatisation, students are paying exorbitantly, as high as N10, 000 in many institutions, to get accommodated on campuses, though, in most cases in a 10-man room originally built for two persons. Expectedly with the privatisation, students would cough up much more without any fundamental change or improvement in the standards of the hotels. And at the same time add to the already outrageous cost of education.

A good hostel accommodation is not a luxury but a necessity for qualitative education. It provides enabling studying atmosphere for students. This is the principle behind the building of hostels by the founding governments. However, their standard has deteriorated over the years due to under-funding of education on the basis of neo-liberal policies and mismanagement by the school authorities. Thus, Nigerian students must not only resist the unwholesome sales of the hostels, but also demand the improvement in the condition of the hostels and provision of more functional ones.

It would be recalled that earlier in the year the government was forced to suspend the policy of charging N10, 000 per bed space, due to the willingness of National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) then to mobilise and lead the mass of students in a struggle against the proposed fee. This is a pointer to the fact that with a well-organised campaign and mass student resistance with political action, this anti-student policy can be defeated.

According to Fabian Osuji, the Minister of Education, the policy is a product of the review by the government of the recommendations of Committee set up by the President in the wake of students' agitation against the planned increase in hostel accommodation fees.

Failing in its bid to introduce the outrageous accommodation fee, the government has now resulted to using a backdoor tactic of achieving the same end via the privatisation of hostel accommodation on campuses. But in order to justify the new policy, the Minister of Education stated: "the condition of the hostels as described in the report of the committee were appalling and in many cases, unfit for habitation by our students. After a thorough review of the recommendations of the committee and in an effort to put in place a sustainable system of accommodation, which must meet certain levels of decency, government believes strongly that the management of the hostels must be removed from the control and management of the institutions as they have so far been unable to provide conducive living environment for our students". (Guardian, October 15, 2004).

On the surface, this statement gives an impression of concern by the government about students' welfare. But this impression is spurious. Yes, the gloomy picture painted by Osuji on the sorry state of student hostels and the inability or incompetence of the authorities to provide "conducive living environment" for students is correct. But it is a half-truth. This is because the major cause of the sub-human standard and deplorable condition of the hostels is the characteristic gross under funding of education by the government in line with the dictate of IMF/World Bank inspired neo-liberal policies of privatisation and commercialisation. It is based on the logic of this neo-liberal capitalist philosophy that the government is handing off the running of public utilities like refineries and electricity generation and distribution and provision of social services like education and health care.

This is compounded by the profligacy and mismanagement by the school authorities of even the little resources available. For instance, in spite of the N10, 000 per bed space accommodation charges paid by the students of the University of Ilorin, the management could not provide portable and regular water, full and regular electricity, good toilet and bath facilities. This informed the last student protest that led to the closure of the university and expulsion of the over 20 student leaders and activists. It is a similar reason that has been partly responsible for incessant student protest and agitation at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife whose authorities introduced the accommodation charge of N2, 590 last session and yet could not ensure commensurate improvement in hostel standard. Thus, it is the twin monster of under-funding and mismanagement of resources that is responsible for the dilapidating condition of the hostels.

The solution to the parlous situation of the hostels is not the privatisation of the hostels. It is only a basis for the continuous implementation of the capitalist neo-liberal policies of privatisation and commercialisation of education and establishment of lucrative business ventures for the government anointed profit-making vampires on the campuses. The first principle of private ownership is profit making. Expectedly, the private operators of the hostels would prioritise profit over the need of the student occupants like water, electricity, functional toilet and bath facilities, recreation facilities, etc. even after charging outrageous fees or rent. There are numerous instances to buttress this strong assertion since the private ownership or management is not new in our tertiary education system. (It is only about to become a government policy) Omolayo hostel at the University of Ado-Ekiti is an example. The hostel is simply an eyesore. Lack of portable water, epileptic power supply, debilitating hostel structures, bad toilet facilities, etc are its common features. However, there are other hostels around whose features make Omolayo a splendor! Another example is the polytechnic Ibadan whose hostel management is in care of various private operators and the hostels still lack basic facilities. Recently, the students of Orisun Hall of the institution went on rampage because for almost a month, there was no light and automatically, no water since they rely on borehole that uses electricity.

The National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), various students' unions and pro student organisation like Education Right Campaign (ERC) should commence a well-coordinated campaign that will actively involve the rank and file students against this policy. We should champion and demand adequate funding of education and the democratic management of the hostels by the elected representatives of the students along with the authorities. The struggle must also be linked to the overall struggle against neo-liberal capitalist policy of commercialisation and privatisation.

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By Dagga Tolar

What began as a clash of rival militia groups principally between the Niger Delta Volunteer Force led by Asari Dokubo and the Niger Delta Vigilance led by Tom Atake, battling for supremacy, soon turned into a full scale battle that could no longer be contained in the creeks but was brought to the very heart of Port-Harcourt, Rivers State.

Asari Dokubo however turned the scale into his favour, when he issued a possible threat to blow-up the country oil pipelines. This threat hurts the ruling class where it matters most oil. This has provoked series of comments as to what Dokubo represents and how his effort can help in resolving the Niger Delta crisis or is it that he is only out to line his own pocket.

Of importance is the fact that this threat has earned him a meeting with the Obasanjo regime, but none of the demands by Dokubo, for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC), self-determination for the Ijaw nation and resource control could never be met by the regime. This much should be clear to Dokubo and his newfound supporters, who have now begun to liken him to Adaka Boro, another Ijaw nationalist who in February 1966 took up arms against the Nigerian state.

Can any of these major demands be negotiated away by the ruling class or be won by a gang of armed men that seek not to organise and mobilise the mass of the working people, banking on their heroism and the strength of their guns? We in the DSM are not pacifists. We, in fact, even now support the right of the masses and youth to defend themselves with arms where and when necessary against unjust attacks by the capitalist state and its neo-fascist gangs of secret cults etc. However, only an armed struggle built around mass struggles and labour and youth organisations, whose agenda combine the task of physically removing capitalist elements from political power with the task of abolishing capitalist, private monopoly of both natural and human technological heritage of mankind in the name of privatisation and deregulation. Only this approach can provide a sustainable reservoir of resistance to all anti-poor governments and policies. Therefore, for us, only a process where the working masses themselves play an active role and in which it fully exercise its democratic control can genuine liberation become a reality. Two, for the Deltan masses, the issue of resource control, self-determination, etc will remain meaningless as long as capitalist oil corporations and their local collaborators within and outside the Delta region control and dominate the oil sectors and the rest economy. The Deltan masses can only genuinely hope to have a fair share of the oil wealth only when the entire oil sector is placed under public ownership and is permanently run and controlled democratically by the working people themselves, in a workers and poor farmers socialist democracy. However, to the governor of Rivers state, Odili, thinks otherwise. The crisis in the Niger Delta, for him, is a product of "weak moral foundation", "bad parenting and erosion of family value". This is far from the truth. The fact is that Odili and the entire crop of the ruling elite in Nigeria are to be blamed for their lording over us all neo-liberal capitalist system that guarantees the best of lives for the very few at the top at the expense of the poor majority. A recent report released by the World Bank informed that 80% of Nigeria oil and natural gas revenues accrue to just 1% of the country's population, leaving the other 99% to battle for the remaining 20% with a majority practically not having accesses to anything whatsoever.

This is what is responsible for the wide spread poverty in Nigeria, which is most prevalent in the Niger Delta area, where the country gets nearly all of its 2.5 million barrel which it daily supplies to the international market, translating to over 95% of the country's foreign exchange earning and yet, the mass of the working people, youth and students of the Niger Delta are short changed, fishing and farming has largely been made impossible by the activities of the oil companies, roads are in the worst of state, there is no record of additional new schools being built, existing one have their structure in total state of disrepair, the sick are left to mercy of early death, etc. This is what has left many youth to be easily attracted into the lucrative venture of bunkering in the Niger Delta, which all the armed militia groups in the Niger Delta are involved in at one level or the other. Indeed some of these militia groups were set up specifically to offer safe passage for the bunkers. Asari confirms much of this when he was quoted "there is nothing wrong if I take the crude oil found in our land, refine it and sell to our people at N15 a litre".

But the fact remains that the various militia groups are backed by the very big in and out of government circles. One of the reasons for the ongoing war between Ateke and Asari is the quest for patronization from the Odili's led state government and same applies to all the 105 identified militia groups in the Rivers State.

It is this general deprivation and mass poverty in the country that created a mass disenchantment against the Obasanjo and the entire ruling class that even the Minister of Finance confirms in a recent interview when she was quoted as saying that the present "government is unpopular". The likes of Asari therefore, being former boys of the very powerful in the corridors of power, are now tapping on this unpopularity of the government to maneuver to being a perceived liberator of the Ijaw people by putting forward the demand for an SNC and self-determination of the Ijaw nationality as a way of resolving the nationality question.

Socialists had always supported the right of self-determination for every oppressed nation including the right to secede if democratically supported by the majority of a given nationality. As raised by the likes of Asari, it remains an empty phrase, that does not in any way fool the ruling class. This is why we in DSM have always insisted that only within the context and framework of a mass movement, led by the working people can the slogan of self-determination have meaning. For only when the working people themselves gain control of the resources of society can they be sure that their basic needs would be provided for.

It is in this vein that recent negotiated peace meetings between Obasanjo and the militia groups amounts to an exercise in futility, for as long as the fundamental problem of poverty, brought into being by the logic of the capitalist system, which Obasanjo and the entire sections of the ruling elite remain committed to, so long would the dominant poverty feature of both in the Niger Delta and in the country at large remain.

We therefore make bold to state that an armed rebellion by some group of individuals cannot, on its own, dislodge the capitalist system put in place by the ruling class. Indeed, this is a key lesson in the examples of Adaka Boro and Ken Saro-Wiwa. Boro was arrested, tried, imprisoned and subsequently released, but Ken was hanged, even when unlike the former, he had not picked up a single gun against the Nigeria state, but had simply organised and mobilised the people of Ogoniland to agitate against the oil companies and the Nigeria government. The ruling class fears the organised strength of the people more than it does any guns. Till this moment, Shell is yet to return to its oil wells in Ogoniland, Ken and MASOP, having built a mass followership, however failed to connect the Ogoni struggle to the whole Niger Delta and the Nigeria crisis. This would have won the support of the mass of the working people across all ethnic and national divides in the country. Despite this limitation of the Ogoni movement, the Nigeria state still could not even negotiate with them, which it finds comfortable to do with Asari Dokubo and others. Inspite of Dokubo 165,000 soldiers, 67 gun boots, equipped with anti-aircraft guns, the fact is that the Nigeria State can and would surpass Dokubo and all other armed groups in terms of military might. Why then negotiation?

The high price of oil that had already hit a mark of 55 dollars per barrel would go more on the high if the Asari Dokunbo's threat was carried out. So, even Obasanjo regime that was not initially willing to negotiate had to change its tactics so as to guarantee that supply of black gold would not be disrupted if the militia groups so decide to effect their threat to blow up the pipelines, so a settlement had to arrived that would allow the boys to continue to "bunker small, so long that the state can continue to bunker big". This is what the meeting between Obasanjo and militia groups translates to at the end of the day.

None of major demands for a greater control of the oil wealth of Niger Delta by the Ijaws would be met. The best that can be archived is to bring the various militia groups back into speaking terms with their political backers from within and outside their respective states. Once this has been achieved, it is business as usual. Already, the regime has entered into a negotiable return of arms by the militia groups back to the state, and Asari has been quoted to be demanding N750million for the return of 3,000 guns.

We in the DSM would rather maintain that the task confronting us all today, both in the Niger Delta and in all other sections of the country is the task of overthrowing, not just the Obasanjo regime but the capitalist system, and replacing it at the same time, with the establishment of a new economic foundation in socialism, which would nationalise the oil wealth of the country and democratically place it under the control and management of a working peoples government. This alone is what is capable of giving a majority of the Ijaw people necessary control over its oils and guarantee that the wealth of the people is used to meet the needs of the people.

As a means of realizing the above, DSM demands:

· The immediate withdrawal of the military force from the Niger Delta, be it Operation Restore Hope or Operation Flush It.

· That all arms be put under the democratic control of a democratic community council composed of elected representative of all social forces in every community, workers, farmers, fish traders, youth, students and the militia groups etc.

· Formation of community based, democratic action councils, across the Niger Delta as the platform through which the interests of the ordinary Niger Deltans could be protected against the imperialist corporations and their local backers attacks.

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By Pelad

The ongoing struggle against the latest increase in the pump price of petroleum products has expectedly eclipsed the issue of trade union bill in the national discourse. But the labour leadership and pro-labour organisations and activists must not be myopic and go to bed. One must not forget that there is iron hoop link between the trade union bill and the unending struggles against the incessant increase in fuel price.

It would be recalled that Obasanjo led government rushed to the national assembly with the vexatious and vindictive bill shortly after the general strike and protest led by NLC against the hike in fuel price in June this year. This is not accidental. It is on record that the NLC had led four general strikes in four years on the same issue. Thus, there was growing discomfort of the Obasanjo administration with the role of the NLC in leading the Nigerian masses in opposition against the anti-people policies euphemistically called economic reforms, especially the incessant increase in the prices of the petroleum products. When he was in Europe sometime this year, Atiku Abubakar, the vice president, told the representatives of international finance institutions that NLC was the main obstacle towards achieving the regime's economic reforms. Adolphus Wabara, the Senate President, reechoed this point of view when he stated that the Nigeria's creditors were not pleased with the general strikes and protests led by the NLC and thus their refusal to grant the country debt relief. In the nutshell, the kernel of the bill is to emasculate opposition to the implementation of the IMF/World Bank inspired neo-liberal policies of deregulation, privatisation, downsizing, etc

The upper chamber of the Nigerian National Assembly, the senate, passed the bill on Thursday, September 9, 2004. The speed and manner with which the bill was passed exposes the intensity of desperation of the government and urgency it attaches to the crippling of the Nigeria labour movement. The bill was passed by 36 senators out of 109 in the absence of the chairman and members of the senate labour committee that worked on it. It is the fastest bill to be passed so far in the history of the senate in the current republic.

Although, some of the obnoxious provisions of the original bill like the discretionary power arrogated to the minister on the formation of federation of trade unions have been removed, the senate's version still largely retains the undemocratic and anti-labour character of the original bill. For instance, it outlaws picketing and strikes on government policies like fuel price increase beyond direct labour related issues as wages and welfare package. It also makes it illegal for the workers in the so-called essential services, which include education, health, electricity, air traffic control and aviation, communication and water services, to go on strike. This barbaric and fascist provision was actually not in the original bill but was smuggled to it from the second bill, Trade Union Disputes (Essential Services) sponsored by Senator Tafida, the leader of PDP in the senate, and of course, at the behest of Obasanjo. In order to ensure strict compliance to the bill as passed by the senate, it prescribes six-month jail term or N10, 000 fine or both for the violators.

It is a bitter irony and sheer hypocrisy that the government that does not see health and education sectors, for instance, as essential services to deserve adequate funding, sees them as such while it is determined to use legal instrument to prevent strikes in the sectors. More so, the workers do not go on strike for the sake of it, but as a reaction to the characteristic under-funding of the essential services.

The bill as it is now has not become law; the process remains its passage by the lower chamber, i.e. the House of Representatives, harmonization of the areas of conflict by the two chambers and the assent of the president. The bill has already passed through the second reading in the lower chamber, remaining two steps, the labour committee's work along with public hearing and the final reading. From all indications, the house's version of the bill, when passed, will not be fundamentally different from that of the senate except if there are intensive political actions.

Although, Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, has held protests and rallies in some states' capital cities and Abuja, which were visited with police brutality and repression, the labour leadership has not done much to educate rank and file workers and the masses and mobilise them for political actions. The so-called rallies organised were poorly attended due to the refusal of the leadership to mobilise the workers as a tactical approach to the struggle. It appears it relies solely on the goodwill of the national assembly to defeat this brazen assault on workers' rights. Even despite being let down by the senate, it still reposes hope in the house for a better deal without political action as a back up.

Remarkably, it should be noted that it was the series of campaigns, though partial, organised so far by the NLC and pro-labour organisations including DSM, Kolagbodi Foundation and Campaign for Democratic and Workers' Rights (CDWR) against the bill that forced the senate to delete some of provocative and anti-democratic features of the bill. This is a pointer to the fact that if the campaign is intensified on full scale with more enlightenment and involvement of the rank and file workers and the masses in the series of political actions, the bill can be killed right at the National Assembly.

In the course of the struggle against the deregulation/ incessant increase in the fuel price, the demand for withdrawal of the anti-labour bill by the government must not be kept in the cooler but be placed boldly on the front banner. If after the fuel struggle the bill has not been defeated, the intensive preparation for a day of mass political action that will involve symposia, lectures, rallies, peaceful protests including general strike must begin in earnest. The three labour centres (NLC, TUC and CFTU), civil society groups, socialist organizations, the trade unions, particularly those in the so-called essential services, must come together for a joint united action to defeat the bill. In order to maximize the strength of the movement, the struggle against the anti-labour bill must be linked to the overall struggle against the imperialist inspired policies of commercialization, privatization, deregulation, etc.

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Members of Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM), Labour activists, members of civil society groups, students, National Conscience Party (NCP) activists, on Friday July 16, 2004 at Pa Imoudu Hall, Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) Secretariat, gathered to pay tribute to Comrade Rotimi Ewebiyi (RE). Until his death on June 6, 2004, Rotimi was a member of National Executive Committee (NEC) of DSM and also a member of the International Executive Committee (IEC) of the Committee for a Workers International (CWI), an international socialist organisation of which DSM is its Nigerian section.

For socialists and members of DSM in particular, the day's event was an eloquent testimony to the fact that struggle pays. Excluding many comrades that could not be physically present at the event, over 130 labour and youth activists including Rotimi's three surviving children (Bisi, Keye and Sanjo) and members of his immediate family graced the occasion. Even though, Rotimi died young, only aged 42, the predominant mood at the occasion was more of celebration and rededication to the socialist ideals, which he committed his entire adult life to.

Despite the fact that the overwhelming majority of the people in attendance were predominantly young who don't earn any income, a fantastic sum of one million, one hundred and four thousand, five hundred naira (N1, 104, 500) including cash, cheques and pledges was raised for Rotimi Ewebiyi Endowment Fund. For us, apart from the tremendous enthusiasm exhibited by comrades at the event, the money raised at the event means that at least for the immediate and medium period ahead, the education and upkeep of his children will be guaranteed. In a society where most regard revolutionaries as people wasting their time, the handsome donation was a big morale booster that some, after all, appreciate sacrifices being made by elements like Rotimi.

Speakers at the occasion among others included the General Secretary of the NLC, John Odah, Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika, the Chief Launcher of the Rotimi Ewebiyi Endowment Fund and Ayo Arogundade who chaired the occasion. Also in attendance were Sylvester Odion-Akhaine, a long standing human rights activist and founding member of Campaign for Democracy (CD), Biodun Aremu, a labour activist from Kolagbodi Memorial Foundation, Zikirullahi of United Action for Democracy (UAD), Seni Ajai of Campaign for Workers and Youth Alternative (CWA), Tony Iyare, Editor, Gleaner News and many other labour and working class activists and friends. Members of the DSM across various branches were also in attendance.

Segun Sango, DSM General Secretary, in his official tribute exalted the virtues of RE as a really rare, dedicated socialist organiser and fighter who dedicated all his life to the organization of the revolutionary movement. To him, the greatest tribute payable to RE is a rededication to the ideals to which he lived for- the ideas of scientific socialism. He used the occasion to urge the leadership of the labour movement to develop strategies and tactics that aim to use general strike as a means of transforming society rather than merely using it to secure paltry concessions, which are often snatched back after the strike by the capitalist class. While acknowledging the existence of a Labour Party at the moment, Sango however lamented the virtual dormancy and complete lack of alternative working class economic and political strategies being put forward by this party at this point in time. He particularly challenged labour leaders to play active role in the formation of a fighting, independent political party of the working masses, which will be radically different from all pro-rich capitalists parties in objectives and methodologies. This, he said, was necessary to bring to a permanent end the exploitative, oppressive and divide and rule policies of the capitalist ruling class. Unless this approach is adopted, all the heroism and courage exhibited by labour leaders and rank and file members in organising general strikes would end up as nothing but missed opportunities. In rounding off his speech, Sango thanked the NLC leadership for making the Imodu Hall available free of charge for the programme.

On his part, the General Secretary of NLC, John Odah, paid glowing tribute to the gentle nature but steadfast dedication of Rotimi to the struggle for the emancipation of the working masses in Nigeria. While observing that many erstwhile socialist groups have either ceased to exist or no longer active within the labour and youth movement, in sharp contrast, he was full of praises for the DSM, which he stated, has remained consistent in its ideas and activities.

At the occasion, the NLC General Secretary made a personal donation of a sum of N10,000. In addition, he promised to carry the message of the endowment to other labour activists especially with a view of striving to launch an Endowment Fund that can serve as a collective pool of fund from which children and relations of other fallen activists like Bala Mohammed, Chris Abashi (former NANS President), etc can draw from.

Biodun Aremu of the Kolagbodi Memorial Foundation said he met Rotimi about 20 years ago during the student movement struggles of 1984/85. To him, the diverse background of people present at the occasion was a graphic confirmation of the fact that Rotimi was an organisational person to the core. He promised to get the Kolagbodi Memorial Foundation to donate N10, 000 to the endowment fund and also promised to donate same amount personally. He also promised to run a page for the Endowment Fund in a labour publication, LABOUR FACTSHEET.

On his part Zikirulahi, Secretary of the United Action for Democracy (UAD) recalled that he met RE sometime in 1995 when he (Zikirulahi) was victimized as a worker for attempting, along with some other workers, to organise the Nigerian Mint Workers Union. As far as he was concerned, Rotimi was a huge inspiration to himself and his colleagues for his constant useful suggestions and practical assistance in the organisation of their fight back against the unjust dismissal by the Mint management. He made a donation of N10, 000 to the Fund and also pledged N20, 000 on behalf of UAD.

Seni Ajai of the Campaign for Workers and Youth Alternative (CWA), a group that split from DSM in 1994, said he attended the programme because of the profound effect Rotimi had on him when he was a member of DSM. Seni emphasised that Rotimi was an admirable socialist organiser who remained friendly even in the face of serious political differences. He pledged to donate N2,000 to the Endowment Fund. Goke Akinrogunde (GOK) also a member of the CWA lamented the untimely death of Rotimi whom he regarded as an outstanding socialist activist. He pledged to donate 30% of his very first salary to the Endowment Fund.

Some individuals and organisations, who could not physically attend the programme sent solidarity messages and pledges. Mrs. H. O. Adewale, the principal of AnwarUl-Islam Model College, Agege, Keye Ewebiyi's school, sent a letter promising to sponsor the eldest son of Rotimi, Keye through the remaining part of his secondary school education. The Agege division of Nigerian Red Cross Society of which Keye is an active member also sent representatives and pledged to contribute to the Endowment. Precision, Electrical and Related Equipment Senior Staff Association, an affiliate of Trade Union Congress (TUC) sent in a solidarity message and donated the sum of N5, 000 to the Endowment Fund.

To underline the working class character of the occasion, Reggae musicians from Ajegunle, including Amala, Raymond King, Dagga Tolar, entertained the audience free of charge with lyrics of protest music delivered with melodious expertise.

At the end, a sum of N80,500 both in cash and cheque was realised while different pledges of donation amounting to N 1, 024, 000 were made.

Rounding off the event with a vote of thanks, Adewale Bashar urged comrades to rededicate themselves with greater vigour to the struggle for the socialist transformation of the society. He called on others who agreed with our ideas and activities to take decisive step to join DSM as active participants.

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By Demola Yaya

As it obtains in every vital sector of the Nigerian economy, the iron and steel sector, the cornerstone of industrial development of any civilized society, is in the terrible state of neglect. Demola Yaya of Socialist Democracy, summarises below the picture of the historic decay of the sector as painted by Didi Adodo, the general secretary, Iron and Steel and Senior Staff Association (ISSSAN) and K. Kadiri, general secretary, Steel and Engineering Workers Union of Nigeria, (SEWUN). He spoke with the two unions’ leaders on the state of the steel sector and also offers the socialist alternative to the crisis in the sector.

Iron and Steel sector is the bedrock of any industrial development. In fact, the development of any nation is determined by the amount of iron and steel produced and consumed. For instance, the amount of steel produced and consumed contributed to the Asian Tigers becoming medium power.

The vision of the initiators to building an articulate iron and steel sector starting from raw material agency where it is sourced to the research institute in Jos where researches take place and where iron ore comes from and Metallurgical Training Institute in Onitsha for manpower development and the end users of this product Ajaokuta Steel Company; Delta Steel Company; Katsina Steel Rolling Company Mill; Jos Steel Rolling Company and Oshogbo Steel Rolling Company was absolutely progressive. There is also machine tools production industry. These companies are interwoven such that if one is knockout, others will be disconnected.

However, Ajaokuta has been under construction for close to 25 years and for the last 15 years now, no money has been put there to complete it. This is a company that is 98% ready. So, the plant has been idled with engineers putting little operation for some 3 months or so. All engineers trained abroad to produce steel in the company will be qualified for compulsory retirement in the next 5 years without producing steel! In the next 5 years therefore, the sector will be grounded to a halt.

Delta Steel Company is a take-away project constructed by Australians and handed over to Nigerians. Its engineers were also trained in Australia with some locally trained here. The company ran up to about 35% capacity utilization 18 years ago and since then, it was running in an epileptic manner until about 8 years ago when everything grounded into a halt. This is a modern, integrated plant designed to produce 960,000 tones of billets castable from one million metric tones of liquid steel. Apart from its billet plant, which is expected to feed the inland Rolling Mills, it also produces a modest range of steel products.

More importantly, the sector is a mega source of employment. In the up steam, about 50,000 Nigerians will be employed. The down stream will employ about 30,000. If Ajaokuta is producing, one of its by-products is electricity that can be sold to NEPA. The Russians, who built it, are available and willing to increase the electricity generating existing capability from 110MW to 1,800MW about 62% of the national generating ability as the existing combined national generating ability of Kainji, Egbin and co is only 2,900MW.

The air separation plant of Delta Steel Company is probably the largest in West Africa and one of the very few that packages Argon Gas. DSC's foundry is a gigantic multi-purpose complex that can turn out clutch plates, brake drums and sprockets for the automobile industry. Conservative estimates show that Delta Steel alone could realise between four to five billion naira yearly on direct sales of primary and auxiliary products. In 1995 and at a pitiful average production capacity of 12%, the value of its billet sales was N910.9million. As at 1993, it was estimated that DSC could generate N1, 113 billion if its production capacity stabilized at 35%. In addition, slag impurities from Delta Steel serve as the best materials for cement making. Argon, which its packages are also indispensable in the production of electric lamp while burnt and hydrated lime are used for water treatment and fertilizer production.

Despite the immense potential of the sector to the Nigerian economy, the Obasanjo government, in line with its neo-liberal policies of privatisation and commercialisation, has concluded arrangement to privatise the sector. About 3 years ago however, government gave a contract to VAIS at the cost of $100 million to rehabilitate the company. It thereafter reached an agreement with VAIS of Australia and Osaka Steel of a joint running of the company. Federal government was to provide $45 million, VAIS was to provide $55 million and Osaka to provide $40 million fund to run it. Federal government paid its own part while Osaka and VAIS squandered it and the plant that was supposed to be rehabilitated is vandalized as at of now!

Any serious government interested in development of its country should know that the sector is too strategic to be left in private hands, local or foreign; that it is crucial to it national development in many ways, including the enhancement of the country's defence, industrial self-sufficiency, given the steel sector's role as a catalyst armament development. No serious country leaves such a national security priority and direction of its technological advancement to foreign and incapable private hands.

Obasanjo's government however has been making frantic effort to privatise this sector and every protest by workers in the sector via their unions (Steel and Engineering Workers' Union of Nigeria- SEWUN and Iron and Steel Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (ISSSAN) to the National Assembly has yielded no positive fruit. as the government still insists on privatizing most companies in the sector. In fact it has finally abandoned financing the sector as reflected in the current budget proposal, which has no the sector included.

As a result of all these surmountable difficulties and its resolves to privatise this sector For instance, workers are being owed 16-18 month salary areas. They are placed on half salary. From May 2004, the government and employers have unilaterally reduced salaries and emoluments of workers in the sector. Workers are being paid on percentage basis and government has not provided any reasonable justification for it.

The workers have therefore resolved to embark on indefinite strike from November 8, 2004 to demand the immediate payment of salaries and draw the government's attention to a long time issue of total neglect of the sector with demand for adequate funding of the sector.

DSM fully supports the proposed strike of the workers to demand for the aforementioned especially the campaign against privatisation of the sector. The workers should use the strike to make a statement on the state of the sector. It should be used to campaign against the privatisation of the sector and for adequate funding of the sector. The strike is limited to the public sector, which is ordinarily under-utilized in spite of its enormous potential and whose workers are made to work below capacity by deliberate government policy. Thus, to make the strike much effective, it would be better for the workers of private sector of the industry to join the strike in solidarity. More so, the workers should not be made to just stay home during the strike, there should be series of political activities that include symposia and where and when necessary peaceful protest and demonstration. In course of this the labour in general and the public should be called upon for solidarity.

Government irresponsibility and its neo-liberal policies have been the major problem that the sector is confronted with and this has retarded development and made life miserable for majority of the people. The sector started dying since Babangida's SAP regime.

The only way forward for the sector and the country is to have a government with socialist programme that will not embrace these imperialist IMF/World Bank policies of privatisation, deregulation, commercialisation, etc. but committed to fund the sector and use its products for development of our country with a democratic planning and decision-making in the management system to include elected representatives of workers who know what is needed for maximum production, workers requirements and needs. Anything short of this is an everlasting disaster.

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By Victor Osakwe

The issue of pension in Nigeria has become one of the thorniest issues in the country today with millions of retired workers all over Nigeria, living in abject poverty as a result of the failure of the pension system in Nigeria. The case of retired soldiers who have been picketing military headquarters in all state capitals and Abuja over the non-payment of their pensions is one such example, why the pension problem should be given the attention it deserves with a view to resolved it once and for all. It is therefore necessary that all actions of the working masses, both in the public and private sectors of the economy, look into the issue critically and proffer solutions rather than remain aloof and let the government and the employers association continue to feed fat on the toils of the working class under the pretext of reforming the pension scheme.

The main trust of the pensions act is to pass the control and running of pensions in the country to the private sector. In the words of Mr. Dapo Solanke, the chairman of the committee who drafted the bill that was passed to the National Assembly, it is to provide needed funds for the private sector for investment. The question then arises: if the investment fails or collapses, who will compensate the workers, whose pension has been used up? This is one of the gray areas of the new pension reform act. The position of the Pension Fund Administrator (PFA) created by the act, is simply nothing but to hand over the contribution of a retired worker to a private individual or company who uses the workers' retirement benefit any way he or she may feel like. Going by the fact that these companies can become corrupt, mismanaged and eventually collapse, what will happen to a pensioner whose PFA fails to utilize the fund correctly? This is a question the act has refused to answer. In other words, workers are left on their own when a PFA fails.

Another area where the Pension Reform Act has been very unfair to workers in the act is the increase in the salary deducted from workers to 7½%. With the constant devaluation of the workers' salary due to inflation and the unwillingness of the government and the employers of labour to increase salary and wages of a worker, it amounts to nothing but a pay cut to ask workers to deduct a whopping sum of 7½% from their salaries ostensibly to take care of their tomorrow while today is not secured. What kind of logic is this? While it is easy to ask workers to starve, to take a pay cut, the employers of labour (both government and the private sector) continue to reap the benefit of workers investments by making profit from them. It is normal that the employers of labour who benefit from the labour of his employees be the one to carry the greater burden rather than equate a worker's contribution to that of its employer. This is one of the points that show the unfairness of the new pension reform act.

Therefore, the inability of the government and other employers of labour to pay millions of pensioners their pensions and to leave them to wallow in poverty, hunger and diseases and at the same time continue to instigate reforms like the privatisation, commercialisation, deregulation, liberalisation, etc which are decimating the working class and depriving the working people of a better standard of living. The character and policy of a capitalist and imperialist inspired agenda whose primary goal is to make a few people rich while the majority continue to live in want and penury in the midst of plenty must be challenged. To do this, the working people must be prepared to lead other poor strata of the society like the peasants, market women, unemployed, students, etc to carry out a revolution that will lead to a socialist society where everybody will be guaranteed a permanent better standard of living rather than what is presently obtained.

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By Eko John Nicholas

As part of the mobilisation campaign by Labour and Civil Society group to kick-start the second phase of nation-wide general strike scheduled to commence on the 16th November, 2004, to protest the pro-rich, anti-poor, neo-liberal policies of the Obasanjo led capitalist government, the Labour and Civil Society Coalition (LASCO), held a mass rally at Ikeja and Yaba respectively on November 3, 2004, to amongst other demands, press for the reversal of recent increments in the prices of petroleum products.

The rally, which began at about 12 noon and was massively attended by all sections of the working class people, was addressed by the President of NLC, Adams Oshiomhole and some notable labour activists from the civil society groups. These include Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, the acting chairman of LASCO, Segun Sango, the General Secretary of Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM), who also doubled as the chairman of NCP Lagos State. Others include Chief Mike Ozekhomhe, a human right activist; NANS JCC Chairman of Lagos State amongst others.

The NLC President in his address at the rally, urged the working people of Nigeria to give their total support to the impending nationwide general strike billed to commence on November 16, 2004, to protest the recent hike in pump prices of petroleum products by the Obasanjo led government. Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti also spoke in similar vein and urged the people of Nigeria to come out en masse and demonstrate their total opposition and rejection of Obasanjo's inhuman policies during the strike. Segun Sango in his remarks faulted the IMF/World Bank induced anti-poor, pro-rich, neo-liberal policies of Obasanjo's led capitalist government and demanded a halt to them. He urged the masses and the working people of Nigeria to fight for an immediate end to the Obasanjo's government as well as its anti-peoples policies in all ramifications. This demand was enthusiastically received by the people at the rally notwithstanding the heavy presence of armed policemen at the venue.

The Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) intervened at the rally with materials which included the August/September and October//November special editions of Socialist Democracy and the perspective document titled Nigeria Crisis: Time for System Change. These materials were well received as 5 copies of the perspective document and 150 copies of both special editions of Socialist Democracy were sold.

One significant thing about the rallies at both Ikeja and Yaba was the large presence of many young men and women who mostly were either unemployed or belong to the poorest layers of the working masses. With this kind of enthusiastic support being expressed by this layer for the November 16 2004 general strikes/protests, another successful strike could be reasonably be expected.

But things should not be taken for granted hence DSM demands that the kind of November 3 rallies held in Lagos be organised across the country. One major shortcoming of these rallies however was the absence of political materials and banners produced by LASCO clearly stating demands of the movement. As we proceed with further mobilisation for general strike/mass action, which commences on November 16, 2004, this kind of lacuna must be corrected.

We in the DSM will however continue to take concrete steps to organise rallies, leafleteering, etc before and during the forthcoming struggle as we did in the October 11 to 14, 2004 general strike/protest. From our practical experience, struggle of this nature is better coordinated to achieve the desired objective. There is a need for mass consciousness about the issues involved as this will translate to support for the struggle and its organisers. For this reason, the demand for the building of strike/struggle committees in the communities, states and national levels for effective mobilisation and focused struggle and results, remains a major issue LASCO has to address.

Our ultimate goal is to help build a powerful pan-Nigeria working masses movement that is strong enough to take political power from the hands of the self-serving capitalist elements and in its place, create a workers and peasant government committed to the implementation of pro-masses socio-economic policies.

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Over 200 persons, including labour leaders, labour and working class activists, rank and file members of trade unions, students' union activists, socialist activists, members of the press etc. attended a symposium organised by the Campaign for Democratic and Workers' Rights (CDWR) and Kolagbodi Memorial Foundation (KMF) on Monday, August 23, 2004. The programme was organised as part of activities to campaign against the new wave of attack by the Obasanjo administration on trade union and democratic rights via the so-called trade union act amendment bill, which seeks to greatly weaken the labour movement in Nigeria. The central theme of the symposium is: Trade Union Act Amendment Bill: Issues Involved.

Speakers at the symposium included: SOZ Ejiofor (General Secretary, Amalgamated Union of Public Corporations, Civil Service Technical and Recreational Services Employee (AUPCTRE); Ayelabola Babatunde (Assistant General Secretary, Medical and Health Workers Union of Nigeria (MHWUN); Emma Ogbuaja (General Secretary, National Union of Chemical, Footwear, Rubber, Leather and Non-Metallic Workers (NUCFRLNW); John Kolawole (General Secretary, Trade Union Congress (TUC); Segun Sango (General Secretary, Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM).

Declaring the programme open on behalf of the organisers, Biodun Aremu, Executive Secretary of Kolagbodi Memorial Foundation said the programme was initiated to demonstrate the solidarity of the organisers with the cause of labour and the oppressed masses in general. He expressed his happiness about the fact that some other civil society and labour related organisations were taking steps to organising similar events.

Generally, the mood was against the proposed labour bill as most people in attendance see the bill as one of the most frontal assaults on trade union and democratic rights by any capitalist government in Nigeria's history. Many shared the opinion that the bill was targeted not only against labour but also against the poor working people in general and therefore, the need to prepare to wage struggles against the Obasanjo's regime in achieving its objective striking out the very existence of trade unionism in particular and the oppressed masses' democratic rights in general.

Comrade Segun Sango, DSM General Secretary in his speech said that the slogan must be 'government must totally hands-off union affairs'. Quoting copiously from a special edition of Socialist Democracy (SD), paper of the DSM produced on the issue of the proposed labour bill, he explained that contrary to the thinking of some labour leaders, particularly in the Trade Union Congress (TUC), the proposed bill, if passed into law, would not automatically guarantee the registration of the TUC as a labour centre, as the bill seeks to destroy the essence of trade unionism in Nigeria. This is in line with the demand of the imperialist backers of Nigeria's neo-colonial capitalist class since neo-liberalism; their adopted model of running society cannot live with a viable labour movement.

He called on the labour leadership to immediately commence mobilisation for a day of action to include symposia, rallies, protests and strikes to kick-start the process of coherent campaign to fight and defeat this latest attack. He urged labour to also set in motion the process of uniting radical groups, parties and organisations like the DSM, NCP, DA, etc, that have been supportive of labour and working class struggles under a united platform - a labour party - to seek political power.

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Question: The National Conscience Party held its national congress on September 25, 2004, but the election of the new leadership as an item on the agenda could not take place as a result of agitation led by the Lagos chapter of the party. What informed this action of the chapter?

Answer: The National congress of September 25, 2004 was supposed to be an important landmark in the history of the NCP because it coincided with the tenth year anniversary of the party. In a proper sense therefore, the congress ought to have been a gathering where far reaching political and organizational conclusions on how to put the party on a stronger footing for the coming period would be taken. Unfortunately however, majority of the NEC members who were in control of the party at the national level exhibited conspicuous political and organizational conducts that could only eventually kill the party, if not quickly checkmated, as a fighting weapon of the oppressed masses of the country, in the immediate, medium and long-term period.

For instance, the NEC majority had for all practical purposes and intents, consciously and/or unconsciously, abandoned the method of carrying out programmes primarily oriented to raise mass consciousness at all levels to that which virtually strives to subsume the party's independent activities within amorphous bodies such as CNPP, a body that is largely dominated by corrupt, anti-poor, pro-capitalist politicians of the ANPP, AD, etc.

Inspite of the fact that the 2003 general election was massively rigged by the ruling parties across the country, agitations against anti-poor policies such as incessant hike in fuel prices, INEC's and Obasanjo government's 3½ years undemocratic war to prevent the emergence of new political parties, etc was what largely accounted for the relative electoral successes of the NCP (in comparison with other parties registered at the same time) in the 2003 general elections.

Sadly however, not only that this NEC majority were abandoning activities which could help to build the party as a fighting weapon of the masses with a view to abolishing mass poverty which was the primary reason for the formation of the party in the first instance, it now developed an orchestrated plan to destroy the party in any place where there appeared some semblance of independent mass activities. Ogun state chapter was the first "experimental guinea pig" used by this NEC majority to overwhelm the party with elements like Mr. Lanre Banjo, a US based, former governorship candidate of the party in Ogun state and others who are largely creations of the bourgeois media or products of ethno geo-political balancing. Without qualms, this NEC majority disbanded the Adeola Soetan led state executive of the party, suspended Soetan himself alongside the state PRO, in person of Sina Onifade, from the party, on the basis of non-existing "rival state executives" and also allegedly for making baseless claim of rotten compromise and opportunism against the National General Secretary of the party, Mr. Femi Aborisade. To conclude this charade, a fake election had now been organised by this NEC majority with the sole purpose of handing over the party in Ogun state to a "sole administrator" in person of Lanre Banjo. The former Deputy Legal Adviser to the party, Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika, an exceptionally active builder of the party in Lagos State, his base, and also at the national level, was unceremoniously suspended from the party for six months, allegedly for using "foul language" against a fellow NEC member, Dr. Osagie Obayuwana, incidentally the current Acting National Chairman!

Meanwhile, the National Deputy Chairman, South West, Alhaji Amitolu Shitu, who used his position within the NCP to help some party members to collect damages for certain injuries but failed to turn over the money collected to the beneficiaries merely bagged a three months suspension!

Most disgracefully however, this NEC majority shamelessly refused to sanction, despite a motion to that effect, Messrs Lanre Banjo and Peter Omoragbon who severally and collectively had in actual fact exhibited conducts antithetical to the objectives and tradition of a party like the NCP. Lanre Banjo previously carried out unjustifiable physical assault against party members amongst other anti-party activities, while Omoragbon had used his position as an NCP NEC member to dupe certain members of the public through an NGO which he operates. Both still retain their positions on the NEC!

While this dirty self-destructive politics was going on, this NEC majority also adopted guidelines/rules with respect to the organisation of the 2004 national congress. In every important aspect, that guidelines/rules were deliberately designed to abrogate the democratic rights of the vast majority of the party members so that the undemocratic, right wing majority on the NEC could drive out those genuinely building the party at the grassroot level as a fighting weapon of the masses.

As I said before, CNPP today harbours virulent pro-rich, anti-poor parties like the ANPP, AD, NDP, etc but notwithstanding this fact, this NEC majority largely held and possibly still hold the false view that a beneficial solution to the numerous problems confronting the masses can only come from an arrangement where NCP forms a political bloc, alliance, or whatever with these mindless self-serving capitalist political jobbers. Chapters of the party like the Lagos state, who have been striving to build the party as a fighting platform, built primarily within the masses became an obstacle to the political perspectives of these NEC majority and for that reason, artificial and undemocratic rules were adopted to guide the September 25, 2004 National Congress of the party. On the composition of the National Congress, article 4:1:2 of the party constitution states: "It shall consist of delegates and observers. The delegates shall consist of members of the National Coordinating Council and a proportional number of representatives per State membership of the party".

Against this clear-cut constitutional provisions, this NEC majority mischievously, at a NEC meeting in Bauchi, (attended by only four members), decided that each state and overseas branches were to be represented by four delegates each. Outwardly, this may appear like a just decision, after all, every state was given "equal treatment". In reality however, this was the most insidious rule designed to use artificial equality to undermine the influence of the active builders of the party at the grassroot level by delegates who have no track records of building structures of the party in their respective states. Membership of the party varies from state to state. Hence, the constitutional provision that delegates to the congress shall, among other things, be chosen on the basis of proportional membership/strength of each state. The idea behind this constitutional provision is to ensure that at any point in time, congresses of the party, as much as possible, reflect the strength of the party across the country.

Several party members in some states, most especially Lagos, that took serious objections to this right wing shift together with its bureaucratic and undemocratic manoevours consequently embarked on agitations before and during the congress to prevent the election of the new leadership of the party on the basis of this undemocratic contraption/rules prescribed by this NEC majority. At the end of the day, the election of new officers was postponed by one year, pending which a new democratically organised elections can be held. Many genuine party members at the occasion felt naturally vindicated as the outcome of the meeting. However, it is important to note that the continued existence and relevance of the NCP remains seriously threatened for as long as this kind of short-sighted, self-serving elements pre-dominate the party leadership at the National, state and local levels. Here precisely lie the tasks for genuine party builders in the immediate period ahead. To start with, the Osagie Obayuwana leadership must be asked to review all the controversial decisions made the NEC majority in issue and especially petitions written against some of these decisions with a view to right all wrongs arising from these decisions.

Q: Chief Gani Fawehinmi, far back in April 2004 stated that having served as National Chairman for ten years amongst other personal reasons, he would no longer seek re-election to that post at the September 25 2004 national congress. But the Lagos chapter was apparently unimpressed with this position and instead mounted agitation that Chief Gani Fawehinmi should seek re-election as the National Chairman of the party. Why?

A: Yes, the Lagos State chapter was squarely in the forefront of the agitation that chief Gani Fawehinmi should seek re-election as the national chairman of the party for several reasons. We in fact, organised a peaceful demonstration to Chief Gani Fawehinmi's office with a ten-point reason why Gani should seek re-election. We the Lagos NCP firmly held and still hold the view that Chief Gani is still one of the greatest political assets that should be maximally utilized to build the NCP as a fighting political party of the oppressed masses. Chief Gani is one of the few long standing, most consistent pro-masses welfarist leaders this country can presently boast of. He is one of the few Nigerians that can be said to have wide, genuine spontaneous acceptability among the working masses across the country. Yes, this did not show in the contrived result declared with respect to the 2003 general elections by the government surrogate called Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). However, the kind of enthusiasm with which Gani's and NCP's campaigns were generally received by layers of the working masses across the country, wherever effort in that direction were made, remains an indelible source of inspiration that the party can yet be built as a formidable political instrument of struggle of the working masses across the country. Henceforth, in preparation towards 2007 general elections, the party must redouble its effort in fighting against all anti-poor economic and political policies of the ruling parties and governments and place conscious and consistent emphasis on building organizational and political structures/routes across the country, at states, local governments, wards, street levels, work places, schools and campuses, rural communities, etc. As we prepare for the 2007 general elections Chief Gani Fawehinmi's reputation among the masses, his continued and steadfast effort in supporting the working masses in all their struggles, including the general strikes and protest against incessant hike in fuel prices, etc, makes him a strong political asset for a party like NCP that does not have stolen money to throw around. Without taking anything personal from the ability of other NCP leaders and members, Gani presently has far and wider political reputation and support across the country. Of course, he can, as an ordinary party member, continue to make his contributions to building the party. We however hold the view that his contributions could be better utilized as a national chairman.

Unfortunately however, a person like Mr. Lanre Banjo regards our position in this respect as equivalent of a movement, which under military rule campaigned that Abacha should transform himself to a civilian president from his position as military ruler. To say the least, this is a very, very outlandish, outrageous and baseless analogy. In building the NCP to what it is today, the contributions of the party leaders and members in Lagos State were second to none. It is therefore outlandish to equate a Lagos chapter of the party with the self-sponsored anti-people's campaign by a body called Youth Earnestly Ask Abacha (YEAA). It is equally sad that a man like Chief Gani Fawehinmi, who for years has been waging dogged struggle for the general political and economic right of the working masses, can be likened to late General Sanni Abacha, one of the most ruthless, corrupt and repressive rulers this country has produced.

The political game plan of characters like Mr. Lanre Banjo should be clear to every active and conscious member of NCP. The idea simply is to rid the party, at all levels, of genuine pro-masses leaders so that the right wing majority can sell or dissolve the party into any formation that may catch their fancy under the pretext that they are trying to form a "broad formidable national political opposition" to stop the "developing civilian dictatorship" allegedly personified by President Obasanjo and the PDP government even when the major partners in this unprincipled politicking are equally made up of elements and capitalist politicians like President Obasanjo and others who dominate the PDP government. Frankly speaking, the future of the NCP remains very bleak if the kind of political orientation, bureaucratic and opportunistic leadership as represented by these NEC majority continue to hold sway within the party.

Q: You mentioned in passing that a "fake" election had been held to elect new state executives in the Ogun state chapter of the party by this NEC majority. Why do you refer to the election as fake?

A: Before answering your question, let me state categorically that the position of the Lagos State chapter of the NCP is that the basis upon which the Adeola Soetan led state executive was dissolved in the first instance was false and unjust. It is also our position that this NEC majority acted in bad faith by ignoring the petitions asking for the reversal of this dissolution or in the alternative that the said dissolution be referred to the National Coordinating Council of the party. This request was not only ignored, this NEC majority even failed to include the said petitions as an item for discussion at the September 25, 2004 National Congress. On the basis of this, the holding of an election to "elect" new state executives does not arise in the first instance. Now, what do I mean by saying that the "election" in issue was a fake exercise? From all available and uncontradicted records, the NEC committee which conducted the said election merely sent a text message to Mr. Adeola Soetan, three days from the date of the said election and five days from the date when the three months suspension placed on him by this NEC majority have just expired! Suffice to stress, that text message was what was expected to be taken as invitation and notification to all the party structures and members in Ogun state! Presumably of course, the committee must have sent similar message to Mr. Lanre Banjo regarded as the leader of the other "faction". At the end of the day, the "election" was an exclusive affair of Lanre Banjo and his mostly hired supporters where all relevant constitutional provisions and democratic rules, which ought to form the basis of the organisation of a proper state congress of the party, were totally jettisoned. Yes, a "new state executive" has emerged in this charade but every genuine and properly informed party member knows that this fiction being called state executive can not in any sense take the party forward and neither can its emergence resolve the danger/existence of "factional executives" which was the alleged reason given for the dissolution of the Adeola Soetan led executive in the first instance.

To break this vicious circle therefore, the new Osagie Obayuwana national leadership should revisit this NEC majority resolution and conduct with respect to the Ogun state chapter of the party. In doing this, the dissolution of the Adeola led executive must first and foremost be lifted. Thereafter, a new state congress properly organised and conducted on the basis of the relevant provisions of the party's constitution must be conducted as soon as practicable.

Q: With effect from September 25, 2004, Gani relinquished his position as the National Chairman of the party and the Deputy National Chairman, South South, Dr. Osagie Obayuwana was chosen as the Acting National Chairman pending a national congress in a year's time. What are the challenges and tasks that this leadership should address with a view to strengthening the party politically and organizationally for the coming period?

A: Right from the inception, the NCP has, as its central motto: "the abolition of mass poverty" in the midst of inexhaustible and abundant natural and human resources, which abound in the country. In furtherance of this goal, the party during the preparation for the 2003 general elections adopted a ten-care programme, which the party hopes to implement with a view to abolishing mass poverty. These are: "Employment Care, Food Care, Health Care, Housing Care, Education Care, Water Care, Electricity Care, Transportation Care, Telecommunications Care, Security Care". While supporting these demands as well as several other particular policies, programmes of the party, those of us in the DSM that are also members of the NCP have however always canvassed that the party should adopt a rounded anti-capitalist, socialist, socio-political alternative, without which many of these policies can never be substantially implemented by any government, no matter how sincere and pro-masses such leaders could be. More than even in the past, the crisis facing the economy in the contemporary period, made the adoption of a rounded anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, socialist alternative an urgent imperative. Without this kind of outlook, it will be virtually impossible to even build NCP into a formidable fighting party of the masses. At this period of global capitalist history, with particular reference to a neo-colonial society like Nigeria, only a clear-cut ideological alternative can inspire working class people and youth, in the absence of being paid, to take an active interest in devoting their energy and material resources to build a party like an NCP to an extent where it is formidable enough to capture political power.

Unfortunately however, while the NCP national leadership, including Chief Gani Fawehinmi has been very strong on commitment for the struggle for the emancipation of the working masses, the party's manifesto and other key documents have not been that strong in giving precise explanation on the economic and social political framework under which the NCP demands and policies can be implemented. This, in my view, represents a major issue that needs thorough examination and clarification so that a correct political position can be arrived at. Bluntly put, the future of the NCP as a formidable fighting platform of the oppressed can only be assured in the face of contemporary sharp antagonism between the self-serving interest of the capitalist class and the vast majority of the working masses if the party is expressly built as a fighting anti-capitalist and as a socialist oriented party. It is the same contradiction that faces contemporary trade union leaders. On the one hand, this trade union leaders, as amply demonstrated by the leadership of Adams Oshomohle led NLC indicate that they are prepared to take up struggles against certain anti-working class, anti-poor policies of the Obasanjo capitalist government like the incessant hike of fuel prices, etc. But this same leaders have in the main, stubbornly held to the impossible hope and perspective of achieving substantial and lasting concessions that are beneficial to the working masses without having to consciously and frontally challenge the system and proffer a rounded anti-capitalist working class alternative. Sadly to note, this represents the greatest factor that threatens the growth and power of the labour movement shown in general strikes in the recent period.

Another issue that constitutes a decisive factor in determining whether the NCP lives or dies in the coming period, as a formidable political platform of the oppressed masses is how well the party is able to create relevant structures at all levels of the society and polity. One of the lessons taught by the 2003 general elections to us in NCP is that a party can have mass sympathies and followership among the masses, but without proper organizational and political structures/centres at all levels across the country, it might become impossible to get such sympathies and supports translated into victories at election times, especially in the face of an incumbent capitalist government bent on remaining in power through electoral officers manipulations, fraud and riggings. The 2003 general election also reveals that when the party has relevant and functional structures run by dedicated and committed party members, such incidences of official manipulations and rigging can be generally reduced and even checked under certain circumstances.

Consequently, the Osagie Obayuwana led national leadership of the party has an immediate and unavoidable task of putting in the front burner of the party agenda, political and organizational programmes deliberately designed to ensure the emergence of properly constituted party leadership at the ward, local government, state and national levels.

Another issue that will determine the fate of the NCP in the coming period is the party's central orientation. The main emphasis and strategy of developing the party must be primarily based on a method which builds support for the party among working masses in the communities and work places, schools, etc, and not one built on a central orientation and premise of making deals with leadership of other political parities excluding only the PDP as a political alternative to the rot represented by the Obasanjo led PDP government. As explained copiously above, the CNPP for instance, which in a way is a practical fruition of the kind of orientation being described, is largely made up of equally pro-rich, pro-capitalist, anti-poor leaders and elements. No matter the camouflages assumed and radical rhetorics that may be mouthed on any issue by CNPP spokespersons, the fact remains that the CNPP, as far as the working masses interest are concerned, represents the path of political disaster not development. Therefore, the only real way to build the party as a formidable political platform of working class across the country is to adopt primarily a strategy of building the party among the masses and also on the basis of masses struggles. In this respect, the political support and collaboration being adopted towards LASCO in the contemporary general strikes and protests against incessant hike of fuel prices is, in my opinion, a good and positive development. However, it will be important at all times, that this good orientation and intervention in labour struggles is done through an approach which seeks to involve the rank and file party members in the discussion and formulation of policies and method of such interventions. This, in my view, is the only way by which such interventions could have the stamp of organised character. This, of course, also means that there will always be complimentary, independent NCP materials for mobilisation in preparation for and during interventions in general strikes and protests that may be called by LASCO or any other mass organisation of the working people which the NCP deems fit to intervene in. Quite frankly, the tasks before the party under the leadership of Dr. Osagie Obayuwana are very enormous but with a determined commitment to building a genuine fighting political platform of the oppressed masses and an approach which seeks to mobilise every rank and file party member in the most possible democratic manner to achieve this goal, victory can be achieved. Suffice to stress, successes or otherwise on the issues raised above will determine whether the NCP becomes a stronger political force to reckon with in the 2007 general elections or a huge national joke like many other so-called registered political parties today.

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In connection with the last 4-day general warning strike between October 11and 14, called by the Labour-Civil Society Coalition, LASCO, 39 protesters, 6 in Ibadan and 33 in Kaduna are now facing thump-up charges of conspiracy, unlawful assembly, unlawful procession and incitement. We in Democratic Socialist Movement condemn the unlawful arrest of these protesters in the first place and call on the police to drop the charges against them.

The activists were arraigned before magistrate courts in Kaduna and Ibadan after they had been mercilessly tortured by the police. They were however later granted bail and cases adjourned. The case in Kaduna comes up on November 10 while that of Ibadan is November 15.

Those to face the charges in Ibadan are mostly students. They are Abiodun Akinola, (University of Ibadan, UI), Olanipekun Olaolu (University of Lagos, UNILAG) Ajayi Julius (UNILAG), Alayande Stephen (UI) Ismail Olawale (UI) and Omolade Dennis, a human right activist.

While we commend the effort of individuals and groups that have been already intervening at different levels in this matter, we still call on the labour, civil society groups and public to openly solidarise with the 39 protesters and resist the likely attempt to make them the scapegoats of the popular resistance against the characteristic anti-poor neo-liberal policies of the government.

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By Lanre Akinola

The re-election of George Bush as American President for the next four years means a continuation of pro-rich imperial policies that were the hallmark of the first four years of his administration. But this does not mean that there would have been any fundamental changes in the US political and economic policies if his main opponent, Senator John Kerry had won the election.

Many activists especially in the third world had thought that Bush would not be re-elected for failing to move America forward in the last four years and for embarking on an imperialist war in Iraq. But the anger against Bush was not as a result of the war in Iraq alone. Despite the talk of an economic 'recovery', most Americans do not see any real economic gains in their lives. Again, Bush has aggressively attacked labour unions women's reproductive rights, same-sex marriage, civil liberties (especially of Muslim Americans), and environmental regulations.

Despite all this, Bush got re-elected because his main challenger, the Democratic candidate, John Kerry, offered no real alternative. As Senator from Massachusetts, Kerry voted for Bush's war on Iraq, the Patriot Act, "No Child Left Behind", and the war on Afghanistan. On June 23, 2004, he voted to increase the Pentagon budget to $447 billion to continue Bush's colonial occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq.

Like Bush, Kerry promised to cut the corporate tax rate and strongly supports "free trade." He voted for NAFTA and the WTO, accelerating the exportation of decent jobs from the U.S. and increasing sweatshops and pollution in Mexico and other semi-colonial countries. Kerry also supports the Isreali Prime Minister Sharon's apartheid wall that is seizing even more Palestinian land-again, just like Bush. Of course, secondary differences do exist between the Democratic and Republic parties, but what stands out, especially in this year's presidential race, were their similarities, and not their differences.

On women's reproductive rights, where Kerry and Bush have differences, Kerry stated that he believes life begins at conception and that he would appoint anti-choice judges to federal courts. Similarly, Kerry opposes Bush's bigoted proposal to write discrimination into the Constitution and ban same sex marriage. But Kerry supports civil unions rather than marriage.

The situation in general was like two parties, one agenda. What could change the White House pro-rich policies is for the working people and other oppressed layers in America to come together with the sole aim of forming a working peoples' party which will work towards the socialist transformation of American society. Under an American working class government, the mega-billions being poured into the military/industrial complex would be massively invested in education, health etc not only in America but abroad as the commanding heights of economy will be put under the democratic control and management of working people. Our sister organisation did not back any of these biggest capitalist parties in the elections. It instead supported a Ralph Nader presidential bid as a strategy to create a mass working class party aiming to end the domination of American politics by these two in one capitalist parties.

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By Pelad

The situation which the United State imperialism find itself in Iraq today is just like that of sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether word he has called up by his spells, to use the description of the bourgeoisie by Marx and Engel in the Communist Manifesto. In pursuit of its imperialist agenda of oil profit and prestige, the US has plunged Iraq into a labyrinth of chaos and barbarism. On the basis of capitalism, the situation in Iraq appears to have reached cul de sac. The insurgency against the occupation armies is becoming intensified on a daily basis. According to CNN as at November 5, 1, 273 coalition armies that included 1, 128 Americans and 73 British had been killed while over 8000 wounded since the start of the war. The insurgents also unleash ceaseless attack on the officers of the US-puppet government, the Iraqi police and any other person or group that are perceived to be in support of the forces of occupation. November 1, a day before the last US election, the deputy governor of Baghdad was killed and a week earlier some 50 Iraqi recruits were killed in an ambush. The insurgents have also adopted the method of kidnapping foreign journalists and workers as hostages. There have been at least 130 cases of kidnapping out of which 30 of the hostages have been killed mostly by the barbaric method of beheading.

In the course of the attempt to repress the insurgency the US military machine has launched massive bombing raids on towns like Falluja, Najaf, Samara, Baghdad and Monsul leaving tens of thousands civilians dead and hundreds of thousands homeless. In Falluja for instance, fewer than 60,000 out of a population of 300,000 remain in the town. The killing of civilians and destruction of houses and infrastructures by the US military should not be seen as collateral damage but a product of the characteristic contempt of the US for lives and properties of the Iraqis. The US military in Iraq is one of the worst occupation forces in history. The torture of Iraqi prisoners, ruthless manner of reacting to protests and use of brute force by the US soldiers show that there is no fundamental difference from what obtains now and in the Saddam period.

The Bush regime is spending fortunes out of the taxpayer money on the fight against the insurgency. On the top of $215 billion it has spent so far to finance the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, it is planning to send to the congress a fresh request of up to $75 billion early next year. It has diverted the resources meant for rebuilding of Iraq on security programme. The abandoning of the reconstruction of the shattered infrastructure viz. electricity, water, education, health care delivery etc. has made the living conditions of Iraqi masses to have gone from bad to worse. Moreover, while the tax payers in the US and Britain in particular are made to pay for the war; Bush, Blair and business partners make fortune from the contracts on the Iraqi oil and the so called Iraq's rebuilding exercise.

The case of the US and the British governments for the war in Iraq has collapsed like pack of cards. The recent report of the Iraq Survey Group, commissioned by the US itself to find the weapon of mass destruction WMD shows that there is no WMD in Iraq. Similarly, earlier, in the year the reports of the Bultler commission in Britain and a senate panel in the US had faulted the so-called intelligence reports that provided the basis for going to the war. According to them, Saddam did not possess WMD as alleged and he had no link with al-Qa'ida and September 11. Jay Rockefeller, a democrat and the Vice Chairman of the US senate panel was reported to have stated that: "Mistakes leading up to the war in Iraq rank among the most devastating losses and intelligence failures in the history of the nation"

The war has already created monstrous situation with the emergence of different contending forces, both religious and national, like the Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds, aiming at political powers. What appears to unite these forces is their common struggle against the occupation forces. This has potential of creating serious socio-political tension that could lead to a civil war situation. This is reinforced by the increase in the influence of right wing political Islam aimed at establishing a theocratic Islamic state.

The solution to the imminent dangers of Iraq slipping into greater anarchy including civil war and polarization along sectarian divide is not the continued stay of the troops. The presence of the occupation armies is in itself a major problem and in fact the essence of the insurgency. The troops must be withdrawn. The only way forward is the unity of the Iraqi working people across the religious and ethnic divide on a programme of struggle, solidarity and socialism.

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By Dagga Tolar

Darfur in Western Sudan remains a human tragedy as capitalism continues to set and break its own record as the greatest maker of human tragedy in human history. Not satisfied with consuming millions of lives in Liberia, Sierra-Leone, Somali, Rwanda and Burundi, Congo, whose smoke is yet to die down. It has again, through the Darfur crisis, returned Sudan into another preventable human tragedy.

Sudan was for 20 years in the throes of war between its government and the Sudanese People Liberation Army, led by John Garang. Today, it is engulfed in another war this time in the Darfur region. Already, 70,000 have been killed, 1.5million people displaced from their homes, having been sacked from 376 of their villages that were razed down with fire powder and bullets.

At the core of the present dispute is the question of land, water and control of other resources between the Black farmers and their Arab nomadic' neighbours. The latter gained the support and finances of El-Bashir government in Khartoum, which has no other solution than to back the Arabs to put in place a militia known and referred to as the Janjaweed. It is this Janjaweed that now went ahead in spree of madness to wipe out thousands of lives and homes of the black farmers.

Not to continue to be at the bloody mercy of the Janjaweed , the blacks had to form their own rebel armed groups like Sudanese Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement with which peace talks have presently been brokered with the Sudanese government by the African Union.

With another round of peace talk in Abuja, Nigeria, the question is: What was the outcome of the first round of talk? Nothing whatsoever. Would this be any different? No. Emphasis, as usual, would remain the question of the various rebel groups putting down arms. The fundamental cause remains the profit system of capitalism, which guarantees millions of a country's wealth for a few, while condemning the millions of the majority of the population to penury, would never be addressed. If anything, it would be business as usual.

Even the peace talks and the African Union peace force already dispatched to Sudan is geared towards the same profit motive. There is the European Union $221 million approved 6 months budget for a supposed force of 2,341 men in face of Sudanese troops of 40,000 and 12,000 police in Darfur that have not brought the crisis to an end. The AU force would therefore not fair any better. It is certainly not the road to peace in Darfur. Already, the Nigeria government, whose president, Obasanjo, also doubles as the head of AU has 300 of its soldiers in Sudan.

Sudan would only end up being another Liberia for the pro-capitalist government of Obasanjo, like Liberia was for Babangida and the Abacha regimes, conduit pipe wherein a huge sum of $12 billion dollars of tax payers money went unaccounted for, all in the quest to bring peace to Liberia, which they were never able to bring about in the end. As the country awash in excess oil fund with oil selling for a record high of $55, Sudan would just but provide the Nigerian ruling elite another opportunity to loot the country's fund and rationalize it in the name of bringing peace to Sudan. Already $270 million is being put forward as estimated 6 months budget for the less than 500 Nigerians contingent in Darfur.

What this would mean is that majority of the working masses and their families would again be visited with deprivation, as basic infrastructures would further collapse.

It is in this light that we call on the labour movement, through the NLC, CFTU, TUC to demand for the immediate withdrawal of Nigerian troops from Darfur as well as other African troops. Only the overthrown of the El-Barshir government and an end to the capitalist system in Sudan and its replacement with a socialist arrangement of workers and poor farmers government, that would manage the resources of Sudan for the use and benefit of the people of Sudan, could usher in permanent peace.

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By Tony Lupta

On March 23, 2004, the Obasanjo regime revealed the disastrous effect which the shrinkage of Lake Chad would pose on Nigerians in the Northern region. It revealed that the lake has shrunk from 25,000 sqhm of its original size to 1,500 sqhm which would inevitably turn 27 million residents of its catchments area, including 17.6 million Nigerians into environmental refugees and major industries paralyzed due to inadequate water supply while traditional means of survival of the toiling Nigerians will be adversely affected.

The Sahel region in which the lake is situated has witnessed, in the last 40 years, extensive climatic fluctuations and a continuous decline in annual rainfall as well as shorter and shorter rainy season. For example, in the 15 years spanning (1968-1983), the average annual water yield for all rivers reaching the lake declined by 25%. The phenomenon of global warming which is largely responsible for the climatic changes in this region cannot be marooned from these environmental events.

The environmental chaos unfolding rapidly in Nigeria is unprecedented. Desertification is moving at 0.7km annually. 351,000km2 (38%) of the total landmass of 923,000km2 has been decertified. The shelter belt has utterly disappeared and the world 3rd largest mangrove forest with the most extensive fresh water swamp forest and tropical rainforest characterised by great biological diversity in the Niger Delta region has disappeared by 50%. Most water bodies in the Niger Delta are polluted, occasioned by oil spills from burst pipelines or leakages from fixed and floating oil-producing firm with water around not spared.

A leading public affairs and capitalist analyst who is also known for his extensive research on environmental problem in the Niger Delta has this to say: "the problem is serious in more than one way. Firstly, pollution has affected the ecosystem generally. You can see the forest and mangrove swamps, those areas have been wiped out. Two, it has affected H20 quality. My home is a good example. You sink a borehole and you see evidence of seepage (oil spilled) into the water supply. Thirdly, it has affected the air quality" (Dacosta, VOA News, August 23, 2001).

These problems are visibly enormous. Both land and water are not spared. Due to oil spillage, 1000 people died in the Jesse oil inferno. The infernos at Oviri Court, Egborode, Sagamu where hundreds of people were killed with undesired environmental consequences are still fresh in our minds. Surface temperature has significantly increased with 0.2oC for Calabar and Kano, while Lagos increased from 0.25 to 0.5OC since 1920. In June last year, Maiduguri had a temperature of 46OC.

Speaking at a 2002 annual lecture of "NES", Senator Victor Kassim Oyofo commented sincerely the state of the Nigerian environment. He said: "the desert is moving faster than we can assume. Driving from Maiduguri, one gets to about 50 miles to Kano before you can see a bird flying. Nothing to eat and no places to peach. Youths on the roadside are selling petrol not knowing where it comes from" (The Guardian April 29, 2002).

The oppressed strata are the immediate victims to these anthropogenic-environmental crisis. The cause is the unplanned and unfettered burning of fossil fuel, which leads to global warming by a build-up of green house-gases in the troposphere.

The Shell, Chevron, Mobil, Texaco and other multinational oil corporations have constantly enjoyed the full fledged support of past and present Nigerian regimes. Under Obasanjo the Niger Delta region has been completely militarized, protecting the profits of the oil giants while the state apparatus kills, rapes, destroys and burn down the tattered houses and property of the toiling masses in its bid to maintaining the profits of the oil giants. The Obasanjo regime, like its predecessors, remains incapable of resolving any of the plights of the Niger Delta people. While over $20 trillion has been earned as income from this region since 1956, the level of poverty remains incomparable to many ghettos in Nigeria. Infrastructures and public utilities in the region are at zero level. This has led to various agitations that have led to consistent ethnic strife. In 1966, a young Nigerian grabbed a gun and assembled a few like minds and called for a revolt by the bank of River Nun. The Major Adaka Boro revolution lasted 12 days, before being defeated and his arrest effected. Twenty-nine years after, another Ogoni activist and nine others were executed by the Nigerian government for agitating against dehumanising operation taking place in the region.

The consciousness to agitate cannot be expunged from the people that have been visited with much suffering, with their traditional occupation - fishing and farming - destroyed. A Niger Delta retired schoolteacher, Mr. Diette Lemigbo said, "They (oil companies) do not have regard for our dignity. So they treat us the way they like because the government of the day does not care. …so long it is given its share of the money". (The Guardian, August 20, 2002).

For the masses in Niger Delta and the entire country to enjoy the fruit of proceeds from the oil in the region, the poor masses in the region must unite and work with the masses of other regions to fight and kick out the Nigerian imperialist government and the oil multinationals and replace them with a working peoples' government that will democratically control and manage these resources for a better working and living condition of the Niger Delta people in particular and the entire Nigeria in general a government that will provide free and qualitative education at all levels, free health care, portable water, uninterrupted electricity and jobs for able men and women with allowances for the old and disabled.

Anything short of this will only deepen the looming environmental catastrophe and mass misery, penury and poverty in the midst of plenty for the poor working masses while the ruling class and their multinational friends will continue to grow fat forever and ever.

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By ‘Wale Eleto, Secretary, DSM OAU Chapter

On November 5, 2004, the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife was closed indefinitely after the student protest of November 3 that led to the killing of a student, Rasheed Laketu, part one Architecture, by the armed police invited by the university management at the wake of the protest. Earlier, in the course of the protest the university's vice-chancellor was physically assaulted.

Democratic Socialist Movement DSM OAU chapter in strong term condemn the killing of the student and the invitation of the armed policemen to the campus by the authorities. At the same time we wish to emphatically dissociate ourselves from the counter productive conducts of those who physically assaulted the vice chancellor. This focus-less approach provided the opportunity for the authorities that ordinarily relish tradition of bringing armed police against unarmed protesters at the slightest student protest to hinge the invitation this time on the pretext of the need to rescue the vice-chancellor.

Unfortunately, the killing of the student has been relegated to the background as if it is inconsequential. It appears that the university management does not see anything wrong in the killing of a soul by the police as the vice-chancellor went to pay a thank you visit to the police headquarters for their actions.

For the past few weeks before November 3, the students of the university had been embarking on series of struggles for the reinstatement of the students' union Public Relation Officer, PRO, Peter Olowokandi and Taiwo Hassan, a union activist. The two union leaders were suspended for their leading role in the student protest against the increase/introduction of various forms of obviously illegal fees in August this year. The students also demanded an end to the victimisation of other past student leaders who only enjoy temporal studentship on the basis of court injunction. There was also agitation for the improvement in the living and studying condition on the campus and the release of the examination results of the last semester. The results were withheld due to the dispute between the management and the academic staff union, ASUU over non-payment of the teachers' two-month salaries. The authorities claimed they were complying with the 'no work no pay' policy introduced by government at the wake of the last six-month strike by the lecturers' union, but they actually paid some few lecturers whom they said worked.

The demands of the students stated above are genuine. We in the DSM supported the demands and were active in the struggle to realize them. But the tactics adopted by a section of the students' union leadership and activists, just as we had predicted, has only ended up throwing the struggle backward. Their tactics of the struggle was based on false perspective and political opportunism. On the one hand, the perspective is the one that sees the Vice-chancellor as the singular source of the crises of the university and not the capitalist neo-liberal policies of the government of which, of course, the vice-chancellor is a rabid defender. On the other hand it is a perspective that advocates that the struggle can be fought and won on the basis of the mood, impulse and initiative of a singe active and committed individual in the union.

The current OAU students' union leadership is dominated by politically inactive elements that abandoned their obligatory responsibility leaving one individual as the main link between the students and the union leadership. This abnormal situation left room for a single individual to assume and arrogate to himself alone the sole determinant of defining direction and tactics of the movement, apparently seeing it as opportunity to build his personal profile for the next student elections and was therefore not prepared to entertain any platform for planning and organisation of the struggles. In contrast, the DSM insisted that despite the commendable commitment of this individual, there was a need to harness other structures and human resources of the union to give the struggle an organised outlook. We thus suggested the need for a committee of the students union to be set up for this purpose. Furthermore the DSM argued against false approach in giving the impression that crude anger of the students alone could achieve immediate and absolute victory on the issues at stake, we in the DSM constantly caution against this, bearing in mind the OAU's historic experience on issues like this, that we should have a strategy of, if necessary, a long drawn struggle precisely because the issues causing this repeated victimisation of student activists go beyond the personal idiosyncrasy of one vice-chancellor. We thus suggested that we had to work out a comprehensive line of action including protests and boycotts when necessary, lobbying and appeals when necessary etc.

But a group of student activists disagreed and insisted on the 'one-man-show' approach and the politics of equating the entire problem to that of the 'demonic' vice-chancellor. In deed, unable to withstand the polemics they sadly resorted to cheap blackmail and unwarranted name-calling of DSM members. Hence this set of student activists continuously miseducated the students on the erroneous idea that unless the vice chancellor is picked, forcefully if necessary and arraigned before the students nothing meaningful can be achieved.

The consequence of such false perspective was the assault on the vice-chancellor that provided argument for the police invasion. Yes, the vice chancellor is a rabid stickler to the anti-student, anti-worker policies of Obasanjo government as it reflects in the increase in school fees on two consecutive sessions and the swift implementation of the obnoxious 'no work no pay' policy. Therefore, what is required is an organised and well-coordinated struggle that would have potential of tilting the balance of forces in favour of the students to defeat any particular policy of the university. However, the defeat or otherwise of a policy does not foreclose its reintroduction even on a greater degree irrespective of the person of the vice-chancellor. Thus, a perspective of struggle is correct if it is aimed at exposing the root cause of the crises in education.

It is instructive to note that the similar approach of invasion of the vice-chancellor's office, as canvassed by the same set of student activist, and the subsequent invitation of the mobile police contributed immensely to the loss of the fees struggle early this year on the very first day the major movement started.

Another point of disagreement was what should be our attitude towards the academic union, ASUU. We supported and agitated for the payment of the lecturers. But the leadership of ASUU, though of left extraction, took the solidarity of the students for granted. They did not bother to write or inform the students' union on why the exam results were being withheld, try to gain the understanding and solidarity of the students or even organise a forum to mobilise the political support of the university community. Worse still despite the ceaseless attack on the students, particularly the victimisation of student activists and imposition of obnoxious charges, ASUU never openly condemned these measures or showed their solidarity with students.

We made this critique of ASUU leadership in its presence at a forum organised by the students' union. At this forum we made it clear to ASUU leadership that they should not act in a way that leads students to conclude that it was not concerned with student matters, while expecting that students would automatically mobilise for political support for them when it is the lecturers turn to be in struggle.

But a section of the student leadership and activists advocated blind uncritical support for the ASUU leadership. They said that the DSM's critique of ASUU was "anti-working class". These elements deliberately confuse genuine support for workers in struggle and the spirit of working class solidarity with their allegiance with individuals in ASUU leadership

With the closure of the institution, the struggle is now stalemated. The government may likely set up a panel of enquiry into the crisis. As usual, this would be the opportunity for government to .unleash further attack on the students and witch-hunt the student activists. The vice-chancellor may be absolved by such panel being an obedient servant of the Obasanjo's government and its anti-poor education policy. The management will also seize on the opportunity to further exploit students in the guise of reparation fees for damages done to university properties. It is possible that the students, if they are forced to spend days or months at home, may not be immediately disposed to continue agitation for the outstanding demands, particularly the reinstatement, let alone resist the likely new assault. But such circumstantial political lull among the students cannot last forever. The unresolved pending issues, deplorable welfare conditions, inability of authorities to show anything for the illegal charges collected and the likely new attack to be unleashed on students, in a matter of time will activate students and force them out of their dormant state.

Despite the counterproductive approaches of a section of the student leadership and activists, the DSM maintains that the real issues must not be relegated. The issues remain: opposition to victimisation of student activist and reinstatement of already victimized ones, opposition to the anti-poor policy of education commercialisation and the cancellation of the illegal teaching charges and other such related fees imposed on students in the last two sessions; opposition to the anti-union, anti-working class so-called 'no-work-no-pay' policy and immediate payment of the controversial two month salaries of academic staff in order to facilitate release of students results, and a comprehensive improvement in the studying and living conditions of the campus. Only an approach that seeks to resolve the root causes of the crises can actually guarantee lasting peace in the university. Furthermore we demand the immediate reopening of the university. The continuous closure of university is an unnecessary diversion that cannot in anyway resolve the issues in dispute.

We continue to raise the perspective that beneath the incessant protest and victimisation is the under-funding of education, which is a product of the capitalist neo-liberal policies. The struggle of students on these issues must therefore be waged side by side with the overall struggle against capitalism. Students need both to support the struggles of labour and, on this basis seek labour's support for their own battles. Aiming the struggle at one vice-chancellor is a futile exercise that cannot fundamentally resolve the crisis in the university.

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Perhaps more than any other period in the life of Obasanjo's administration, the inherent contradiction in its capitalist neo-liberal policies has become much sharper and kept throwing up more and more series of resistance from the workers. In the month of November alone, besides the indefinitely strike and protest called by the Labour-civil Society Coalition (LASCO) against the increase in the fuel price hike which is, expectedly, in the front burner, there are other pockets of strikes embarked upon by workers in different sectors from health, judiciary, iron and steel to the civil services. Looking at the demand of the workers of the different sectors, one thing it is clear they are unleashed by the same attack characteristic of neo-liberal policies and that has become unbearable, thus necessitates fight back.

In the month of November, the Judiciary workers under the auspices of Judiciary Staff Association of Nigeria (JUSAN), blazed the trail of the strikes on Monday, November 1, commencing a 5-day warning strike that lasted Friday November 5. Parts of the workers demands are the unified judiciary salary structure which was recommended by the National Judicial Institute, the National Wages and Salaries Commission and the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission, the release of outstanding promotions of judiciary staff, reinstatement of the suspended workers of the Abia State Judiciary, and the immediate constitution of long-awaiting Judiciary Pensions Boards, among other demands that will improve their living and working condition.

On Wednesday November 3, The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) workers, under the banner of Coalition of Industrial Unions (COIU) embarked on one day strike and peaceful protest against the non-implementation of their over-due promotions, non-payment of leave bonuses, non-constitution of governing boards for the FCT sports council, water board, Federal Capital Development Authority, FCDA, and Abuja Environmental Protection board, AEPB. The workers also demanded the resignation of the Minister of Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Abuja, Nasir el-Rufai, for his dictatorial administration and totally rejected Obasanjo's economic reform agenda.

November 8, alone marked the flag off of the industrial actions by medical doctors, the pharmacists and medicine allied practitioners in Lagos State and the iron and steel workers. The doctors, National Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) began a two-day warning strike to demand payment of their monthly emoluments, implementation of the approved increase in their basic salaries and funding in the health sector with particular reference to personnel costs. According to the NARD, most of the resident doctors since November 2003 had not been paid their salaries on percentage basis.

The medicine allied practitioners, the Nigeria Union of Pharmacists, Medical Scientists and Professions allied to Medicine, Lagos chapter were equally on a two-day warning strike to demand payment of the outstanding allowances. They further resolved that after the warning strike and their demands were not met they would embark on indefinite strike, however after giving another ultimatum of 14 days to the government.

On their part, the iron and steel workers, Steel and Engineering Workers' Union, SEWUN and the Iron and Steel Senior Staff Association, (ISSSAN) in the public sector opted for an indefinite strike to protest decay in the sector. According to the workers the neglect of the sector has been heightened with the non-inclusion of the sector in the 2005 budget proposal. By and large, their demands include payment of the arrears of salaries and adequate funding of the sector.

Although, it may have been put differently, the demands of the different groups and categories of workers highlighted above if put in one broad form are the agitation for improvement in their living and working conditions. This together with the fact that the issues being confronted by the various worker unions takes their root in the same source, the capitalist neo-liberal policies of the government, is a pointer to the need for a united action among all categories of the workers particularly in the same sector on the immediate and long term basis. To be particular, the workers unions in the health sector in the recent period more than any other place have had cause for a united action to fight for improvement both in the standards of living and working conditions. For the past five month the health sector has been in turmoil with the tumultuous struggles of the workers for improvement. The workers of Lagos University Teaching Hospital, LUTH, were on strike for more than two months, between June and September. Immediately after them the workers of the Psychiatric Hospital and Orthopedic Hospital, both in Lagos, including nurses took up the baton of strike that lasted close to a month..

However, the workers should note that even if at all they win any of their demands through their persistent struggles, it would require as much, if not a greater battle to keep these gains, for as long as this capitalist system remains whatever is given to the workers would be taken back. As long as this system holds sway, more attacks from the ruling class against the workers are inevitable. What is required is a concerted effort by the mass of the working people, collectively struggling for minimal gains side by side with the perspective to dislodge the capitalist government and put in place a workers and poor farmers' government. This is the only permanent anti-dote against the unending circle of crisis for the working masses.

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By Yemi Like-that, DSM, Polytechnic Ibadan

By December this year, Prof. Oluremi Alabi will be leaving office after more than six years as the rector of the Polytechnic Ibadan. To most of the students of the Polytechnic, the tenure of Prof Alabi is a bad story and thus, better to be forgotten.

The highlights of his administration include corrupt practices, nepotism, high incidence of cult violence that has claimed at least 15 lives due to his kid-glove approach to campus cultism, attack on the workers' unions and the students' union. privatisation of hostels with attendant outrageous accommodation charges but with a decline in standards and lack of basic facilities , astronomical increase in official and semi-official charges, poor welfare condition, and several arbitrary closures of the institution that has unduly elongated the stay of students on campus to mention but a few.

The exit of the outgoing rector will definitely make students and staff have a sigh of relief and look forward to a new lease of life and a better deal with the new administration. To that effect, there is an intense and popular agitation among the students and staff on the campus that the new rector should come from within the institution and not from the outside. This is apparently based on the erroneous perspective that Prof Alabi unleashed woe on the institution because he was not a staff of the polytechnic before becoming the rector.

We in the Democratic Socialist Movement support and agitate for a democratic process and involvement of the elected representatives of the students and the staff unions in the selection process of the new rector. We however caution against the false perspective that once a new rector is from the polytechnic, the solution has been found to the motley problems and crises in the institution. Wherever the new rector comes from, the new administration will not be fundamentally different from that of Prof. Alabi. This is because the new rector will have no choice but to implement the neo-liberal policies of commercialisation and privatisation of education like his predecessor. To get some concession or improvement it requires balance of forces between the management on one side and the students and workers on the other sides. Thus, students and workers should ensure they have strong and uncompromising unions that can defend their rights and interests. In case of attack on any union or the welfare and interests of students and staff. There should be a culture of solidarity and united action among the unions, i.e. students unions and various workers' unions. Students in particular should begin campaign for genuine and independent students' union whose elections and activities are devoid of interference of the management.

The polytechnic is just a micro of the larger society where IMF/World Bank policies of liberalisation, commercialisation, downsizing etc are the order of the day. While the students and the workers of the poly must continue to struggle for a better living and academic condition, they should bear it in mind that unless this struggle is linked with the national struggle to defeat Obasanjo's regime and its anti-poor policies also represented by Raheed Ladoja's administration like his predecessor, Lam Adeshina, which is largely responsible for maladministration and attacks on both students and workers rights in the school.

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By Ojo Olajire

On Monday, September 27, 2004, the students' union was having a meeting with GSM service provider to seek clarification on the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) as regards the radioactive impact of the MTN mast erected on campus on the students and the university community, the University Vice chancellor, Professor Israel Adu, in company of other management staff invaded the students' union secretariat, the venue of the said meeting, without any reason, collected the identity cards of the students' union officials with a verbal threat that they would be subsequently suspended from the university.

It is important to note that the clarification on the EIA of radioactive impact of mast raised by the students deserve an urgent attention on the part of service providers, not just in UNAAB alone but also every location where mast that emit such poisonous substances erected to guide the inhabitants against the hazardous effect of such mast. This once again shows the length in which the capitalist system could go in making profit at all cost without any consideration to the lives of the masses.

The UNAAB authorities have seen the students' union as its perceived enemy and therefore, looking for any slightest opportunity to clamp down on the union. The students' union has always promoted and protected the interest of the students on local and national matters. It led two mass protests of students against the incessant hike of petroleum products of Obasanjo led anti-people government on May 31, 2004 and again on the September 28, 2004.

Like one of its persistent struggles and campaigns against anti-students policies of the university's authorities, the students' union held its congress on September 30, 2004 to, among other things, seek clarifications from the university authorities on the arbitrary and purported postponement of examination, which was scheduled to start from Monday, October 4, 2004, and the reason for the suspension of some of the students' union officials from the university. Instead of discussing these issues with the students, the university's authorities shut down the school for two weeks and ordered the students to vacate the university within 24 hours.

Consequently, the Vice Chancellor invited the mobile policemen to the campus claiming that his life was in danger. Expectedly, the Police invaded the campus and started firing tear gas canisters indiscriminately at the students. In the process, scores of students were arrested and illegally detained for days at Eleweran Police Station while several others, including females, were physically molested and brutalized.

We condemn in strong term the action of the Vice Chancellor in inviting the police to a matter that could have been resolved amicably, and the brutality meted against the armedless protesting students by the police was barbaric and unimaginable.

However, despite the police brutality, we would like to state that the right to peaceful assembly and procession is guaranteed by the 1999 constitution. Section 40 of the same constitution guarantees freedom of association. So the students' union is not a cube of sugar that can just be dissolved at random.

Authorities real reason for the dissolution of the Student's Union is to have free hand to implement harsh welfare and academic policies against the students in the coming period like increase in school fee under different guises. We call on labour, pro-labour organisations, change seeking individuals, NANS, students' unions etc to support the UNAAB Students' Union in its present battle with the management and the following demand:

· Immediate and unconditional reinstatement of all the students' union officials suspended from the University.

· No to victimisation of students and staff.

· Immediate reversal of dissolution of the students' union.

· The University authorities and the Nigerian Police to be responsible for the medical bill of students who were injured as a result of the police brutality.

· Relocation of mast to a safer place to protect inhabitants against the hazardous effect of the mast.

· An independent panel of enquiry to investigate the immediate and remote causes of the crisis of September 30, 2004. The panel should be made up of representatives of ASUU, NASU, SSANU, NANS, Students' union and the University Senate.

· An independent panel of enquiry to probe the financial and administrative activities of the Vice Chancellor, Prof. Israel Adu.

· Adequate funding of the education

· Democratic management of all decision-making bodies of the university comprising the elected representatives of workers' unions, students' union and the University Senate.

Send your letter of protest to:

The Vice Chancellor

University of Agriculture,

P.M.B 2240, Abeokuta

Ogun State.

E-mail: [email protected]

Fax: 234-39-243045

And Email the sent letter to [email protected]

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By Babatunde Yusuf

The total sales we recorded during the series of recent general strike has confirmed that a revolutionary organisation cannot do without its own paper. Intervening on strike day means a massive sale of our paper involving which all comrades who gather at the secretariat at a particular time and move collectively, sell the paper while also protesting against fuel hike price. All sales start from the secretariat of the Ajegunle branch to other major streets and junctions of the community e.g. Boundary Junction, Ojora, Bale Ayetoro, Amukoko, etc.

During the strike, it is the people that troop after us, scrambling to grab a copy of our publications. However, at other moments, the paper even can still meet with as much success as in during a strike, when we intervene with as many as 20 to 25 comrades. Armed with the branch allotted copies, we set out on a evening with three other comrades to a particular area from our take off point. From the very moment, one feels very shy, afraid to approach people, weighing in ones mind who and who not to approach, but in the end, one is encouraged by the success of older hands in the sales of the paper that one cannot but make a go for it and alas, I make my first independent sale of the paper and from there on, nothing stops me selling 15 copies allotted to me.

Beside selling of our paper, one meets with different people with different ideas and philosophy. The interesting thing is that, for a younger comrade like me, is having to mentally battled to find answers to these questions, some that even myself don't yet understand, is very challenging and has helped me subsequently to sharpen my knowledge of Marxism and the need to also keep oneself abreast with events. After sales, comrades come together to share their experience from which various questions asked by members of the public are explained by some of our older comrades to make us better prepared for a future encounter.

I personally met with Mr. Emeka, a member of MASSOB. His position was that, secession was the way forward for Nigeria, but after series of argument, backed up with information I gathered over time from our weekly branch meetings and my reading of Nigerian perspective document titled Nigeria Crisis-TIME FOR SYSTEM CHANGE, I was able to convince him that the only way forward was a revolution led by the working class of the Nigerian society. If anything, paper sales in the community has offered me the opportunity to even hear myself espouse socialist ideas and I think for this I am better

Finally, it is imperative for all comrades in this organisation to involve themselves in the sales of our papers in all their immediate environs, targeting working class youth, students etc. Our paper can sell any time, any anywhere, if only comrades can bring themselves to seeing this as part of our revolutionary task.

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By Lanre Arogundade

By the evening of Sunday October 10, 2004 the Nigeria Labour Congress, (NLC) supported by the civil society coalition of which the Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM is a key member, had firmly resolved to proceed with the 4-day warning strike against the latest increase in the price of petroleum products.

Sina Odugbemi, state secretary of the National Conscience Party (NCP) and I left the Lagos headquarters of the NLC armed with several leaflets pronouncing the commencement of the strike from Monday October 11 and generally appealing for mass support. We chose the Isolo area in the western part of Lagos as our first stop for mass leafleteering. Enthusiastic Nigerians, who not only eagerly collected the materials but also declared that they were supporting the strike, easily mobbed us. At least one young adult offered to team up with us as a volunteer and distributed as many leaflets as he could.

We parked our vehicle close to a taxi-park. The owners and drivers openly complained about how difficult business had become because of very high cost of spare parts. Besides the number of Lagosians patronizing the expensive taxi services has declined. We told them that a government committed to the poor and affordable public transportation could assist such taxi driver unions with incentives like long-term loans to cover the cost of vehicle procurement. They would have enough time to repay and won't be forced to charge high prices. That is one of the measures an NCP government could take if it were voted into government.

We had a more interesting experience on our way back through the local airport road. President Obasanjo was about boarding his presidential jet on the return journey to Abuja, the federal Capital on his way back from his residential farm about 50 kilometers from Lagos. He actually came into the Lagos airport in a helicopter but the roads were still closed nonetheless, that being the usual practice for alleged security reasons. We targeted the angered motorists on queue close to the tarmac where the presidential jet was parked for another round of distribution of strike leaflets. We were actually now left with few copies for the day so what we had was quickly finished. Horns hooted as the motorists beckoned to us to let them have theirs. The motorists were predominantly middle class but none spoke against the strike. Some asked us questions: Has Oshiomole (NLC president) been released from detention? Others said: even if they do not release him please ensure the strike goes on. The mood that evening indicated the strike would likely be a success, at least in Lagos.

Still one was apprehensive. This would be the third strike in a year over the same issue of fuel prices and the labour leadership has so far not linked the campaign against it with the need for the change of the government and the capitalist system for which policies like privatization, deregulation, commercialization etc are cardinal principles. Besides, the leadership does not fundamentally oppose deregulation, but only price increases whereas both are two sides of a coin. You can't have one without the other.

Yet, the working class need to be mobilized on the basis that they are fighting deregulation and its attendant fuel price increases as much as they are fighting for the defeat of the government and the installation of a workers, peasants and youth government which armed with a socialist programme would nationalize (instead of privatize or commercialize) the commanding heights of the economy including the oil sector, under working class democratic management and control, so that collectively produced wealth could be used to tackle the problem of mass poverty, illiteracy, poor health care, neglect of rural communities, collapse of public infrastructure etc.

Early morning of Monday October 11, the apprehension was laid to rest. I live in a largely populated Lagos suburb called Ejigbo. It has a notorious reputation for its traffic jams normally caused by the very poor state of its roads. Usually on Mondays, being the busiest day of the week the traffic build-up could be 3-kilometer long. Ejigbo residents actually need few lessons about poverty amidst abundant oil wealth. One of the big fuel depots of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) is located there but even the road that runs through the front of the depot is un-passable. Accidents involving fuel tankers are common. Calls by the residents that NNPC should at least re-construct the road used by the tankers have been long ignored.

This Monday Ejigbo was very free of the usual traffic. The depot was shut, so also the nearby local government office, private markets, shops and offices. Four of us members of the DSM as well as the NCP canvassed a few motorcyclists and tri-cyclists that were working but who quickly pledged to join the strike. Again the leaflets were well received and as we moved to different locations to monitor the strike there were shouts of up-labour. We actually had an NLC banner on the front of the vehicle to indicate we were strike officials.

At about ten we linked up with Comrade Demo who had started selling the special edition of the Socialist Democracy (SD) that featured the attempt by the Obasanjo regime to dissolve the NLC through a so-called trade union act amendment bill. We joined in the sales as well as leaflet distribution and the copies were quickly exhausted. We then made a dash for the secretariat to get more copies and commenced sales from point to point specifically targeting major road junctions. We were now a team of seven six DSM/NCP members and one sympathizer.

We gave out the leaflets free but explained that the SD was for sale. A few wanted it free but many more bought copies. By now we had adopted a four-way strategy. Some comrades handled the distribution of the leaflets. Some concentrated on the paper sales. Some combined both and some addressed the groups that gathered round us on the essence of the strike, the need to ensure its success, why the capitalist government of Obasanjo should be defeated and what DSM and its paper SD stood for. We explained to those who wanted to know how they could join the organization. After three major stops we again exhausted the SD copies and had to go back a second time for more copies. We then made several other stops along the Agege, Dopemu, Akowonjo, Egbeda, Idimu and Igando axis all Lagos suburbs and sold many copies still. Among our buyers were armed policemen. Some of who though asked for free copies of the SD. It was only on one occasion at Iyana-Ipaja area that the police said we should suspend the sales because they feared that the crowd that had gathered around us could turn riotous. Indeed at a different place, one of our buyers identified himself as a police officer. He was in mufti and told us that the policemen too should have gone on strike. He said his monthly salary was a paltry N15, 000 (about $100) and he could hardly pay for the education of his three children. By the end of day one of strike we had sold about N18, 000 worth of SD.

We began paper sales and canvassing at Ejigbo on the second day of the strike. And we literally exhausted the copies there. One middle-aged person volunteered to join DSM and we gave him the relevant addresses for contact. Our presence encouraged those around to mobilize against some who were attempting to break the strike. The police watched as we carried out our agitation. We made a few more stops and had successful sales.

On the third day of the strike we changed our direction to the suburbs of Abule Egba and Alagbado. Sales were again good but noticeably some filling stations were opened for business. We intervened in two of the stations and warned them against breaking the strike. They promptly shut down.

We learnt more lessons on the class struggle during the three-day intervention. First, the idea of a warning strike made sense to the people, as they understood that the struggle would be prolonged. Second the period of a general strike is like a semi-revolutionary situation during which people are more receptive to revolutionary ideas. This partly explains the success of the paper sales even though the cover story did not deal directly with the fuel price increase but the general attack on the labour movement by the Obasanjo regime. But the people saw a linkage between the two. It then means that in future general strikes more comrades should constitute themselves into groups and intervene in their neighborhoods or where ever possible. Finally, we learnt that people are eager for news and information during strikes. They easily come around to listen to you once they know you are labour activists. The Labour leadership must therefore be made to understand that there is the necessity to build strike committees in all neighbourhoods with a view to ensure proper organisation of the struggle. People should not merely be asked to stay in-doors; rallies, peaceful protests, workshops should also be organised as and when possible. With this combined approach, level of consciousness of the masses, not only on the immediate struggle but also on the long term objectives of the movement, can be rapidly enhanced.