Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM)

For struggle, Solidarity and Socialism in Nigeria

Committee for a Workers' International

Home

Join DSM

Contact DSM

About us

Our Manifesto

Statements

Socialist Democracy

Newspaper of the DSM

Campaigns

NCP

Trade Unions

Students

Women

International

Downloads

email

Socialist Democracy Feb - Mar 2003

The tempo of political activities has quickened in the country following the release of the time-table for the 2003 national and state elections by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). 

By this time-table, election into the National Assembly has been slated for 12th April, 2003 while the governorship and presidential elections will hold on 19th April, 2003. The polls is expected to be concluded with the election into the Houses of Assembly of the 36 states on 3rd May, 2003.

As part of preparations for the elections, political parties have been organising primaries to select their candidates. The ruling party at the national level, the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) is to present President Obasanjo as its presidential candidate. 

The official "opposition" party, the All Nigeria Peoples' Party (ANPP) on its part has chosen to present another general and military dictator, General Muhamadu Buhari, as its presidential candidate. 

Two other ex-generals, Ike Wachukwu (National Democratic Party) and Emeka Ojukwu (All Peoples Grand Alliance) are also to be candidates in the presidential election. This has made some sections of the capitalist media to label the coming elections as the "war of generals".

Significantly, from the point of view of the interests of the working masses, the National Conscience Party (NCP), is presenting Chief Gani Fawehinmi, the renowned human rights activist and lawyer, as its presidential flag bearer. It has also been reported in the media that other radical parties like the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) headed by Alhaji Balarabe Musa, and the Democratic Alternative (DA) are also to field candidates for presidential and other positions.

Against this background, what should be the attitude of workers, youth, the rural and urban poor and the working people in general to these elections? Put another way, what is the best approach to advance the socio-economic and political interests of the working people in the coming elections and the period thereafter?

NO FUNDAMENTAL CHANGE

The primaries of the main capitalist parties and their general attitude towards the elections shows that nothing fundamentally has changed from the pro-rich, monetised, ethno-religious, individualistic and self-centred politics of the Nigerian capitalist elite. Firstly, the selection of candidates in these parties have been so commercialised that only millionaire and billionaire treasury looters can take part in the primaries, let alone to emerge as party candidates. 

In the PDP and ANPP, for instance, aspirants were compelled to pay N5 million and N10 million respectively for the post of president . This shows that electoral contest is seen as a kind of business venture, in which someone invests in order to reap millions and billions of naira later. This is a sure guarantee for the looting of public treasury if ever any of these politicians gets into power.

The outcome of the primaries of the capitalist parties also again confirms the fact that the Nigerian capitalist class lacks any genuine idea or alternative to take the country out of its socio-economic morass. The primaries have been dominated by personal issues, intrigues and horse-trading, without any discussion on programmes and policies on how to take the country forward. This, however, should not be a surprise to the working people; this trend merely confirms the visionless character of the elite, a by-product of the neo-colonial economy, state and society which they preside over.

Furthermore, there is the increasing revelation of the plan by the various factions of the ruling elite to rig the forthcoming polls. For instance, even INEC has confirmed the existence of two million fake names on the voters' register nationally. 

But INEC have also said that it had issued 80 million voters’ cards while the estimated voters’ population is put at around 56 million! Recently, the police allegedly busted the plan by a syndicate to print five million fake voters' cards! The fact that in the past three years, hundreds of people have either been killed or injured in violent clashes between the various factions struggling for power and positions within the various capitalist political parties, especially PDP, AD, ANPP shows the desperation of the various factions of the elite to get access to power at all cost. 

The various factions of the ruling elite only agree on one point: the imposition of anti-poor, neo-liberal capitalist policies such privatisation, commercialisation, retrenchment of workers, etc. on the working people. Against this background, the elections are likely to be characterised by disputes and crisis. 

Not only that. If any section of the capitalist ruling class should be elected into office, this will not in any way solve the problems facing the working people and youth or take the society forward. Whether Obasanjo is re-elected or he is replaced by any other capitalist administration, the attacks on the working people's living and working conditions will continue.

A WORKING PEOPLE'S ALTERNATIVE

To prevent this type of dangerous scenario from becoming a reality, the labour movement and the working people in general must, as a matter of urgency, put in place a working people socio-political alternative. This should start with the building of a mass movement to fight against all capitalist attacks on the working people, and the building of a working people's political party which will organise the masses to struggle for power. 

But only a movement based on a socialist, anti-capitalist programme and perspectives can consistently champion the interests of the masses, moreso at the present period of capitalist economic crisis in Nigeria and internationally.

Unfortunately, the leadership of trade union movement and the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) have not live up to their historical responsibility to build such a movement. Not only have they failed to consistently defend workers against privatisation, retrenchment, and other anti-poor policies of the ruling class, it has shied away from boldly posing a political challenge to the elite. 

Sigfinicantly, the Party for Social Democracy (PSD) recently formed by a section of the trade union leadership, has existed mostly on paper. It has failed to organise mass activities and it does not have any visible structure among workers and the masses in general.

BUILD MASS-BASED, DEMOCRATIC AND SOCIALIST NCP

The only organisation which presently has the greatest potential to mobilise and organise the masses to defend their rights and capture political power is the National Conscience Party (NCP). 

But in order for it to fully realise its potential and live up to the expectation of the masses, NCP must be built as a grassroot, mass-based, and democratic party fighting uncompromisingly for the interests of the workers, peasants, youth and the urban and rural poor in general, whether it is elected into office or not. 

To achieve this, the NCP should defend the masses and stand consistently against all anti-poor, pro-rich capitalist policies such as violation of democratic rights, privatisation of public assets, commercialisation of social services, retrenchment of workers, non-payment of wages and pensions, repression of ethnic and religious minorities, and discriminations against women.

NCP should fight for the rights of the masses to a living wage, full employment, free and qualitative education and healthcare, welfare benefits for the unemployed, the sick and the elderly, efficient and affordable water, housing, transportation and telecommunications and other basic necessities of life.

But to be able to implement the pro-masses policies enumerated above and other laudable programmes which are contained in the party's 10-care programme, the party will have to stand for the public ownership of the commanding sectors of the Nigerian economy like petroleum, mineral resources, big industries and banks to be managed and controlled democratically by the working people. 

It must stand for the society to collectively own and the working people in the cities and villages to democratically control the country's wealth which are presently owned and monopolised by a super-rich minority of local and multi-national capitalists.

Only by this means will an NCP government have the necessary resources to implement the pro-masses policies which have endeared it to the masses and also ensure that these resources are efficiently utilised to provide for the real needs of the overwhelming majority of the people rather stupendous wealth for only a small minority as it is the case in the present neo-colonial capitalist arrangement. 

In other words, in order to abolish mass poverty, and eradicate hunger, diseases, unemployment, crimes, and ethnic and religious conflicts, an NCP government must be a workers' and poor peasants' government based on a democratic, socialist and anti-capitalist programme.

To prevent or minimise election rigging by the ruling class parties in the coming elections, NCP should encourage its members and the working masses to establish democratic grassroot, local election monitoring committees who will be very vigilant and monitor voting in polling centres and the collation of the results. Above all the NCP must educate and organise the masses to be prepared at all times to struggle to defend their votes and rights.

It is only by having and implementing the programme, policies and methods explained above that the NCP will live up to the expectations of the downtrodden working masses. The supporters of the DSM who are members of the NCP will struggle together with other party members to build the party and ensure that it fulfils the masses' aspirations.

The National Conscience Party (NCP) has been holding special congresses to elect the party's candidates for the general elections which will take place in the country between March and April 2003.

Lagos State

A special congress of the Lagos State chapter of the party held in Lagos on Monday, 6th January, 2003. The main purpose of the congress was to elect party candidates for the general elections into the offices of the state governor and deputy governor, and members of the state house of assembly. The congress was to also elect candidates for elections into the two chambers of the National Assembly (namely the Senate and House of Representatives).

The congress was attended by about 1500 members and supporters of the party. However, there were only 623 members accredited to vote. Those who attended were predominantly youth. The mood was quite enthusiastic and it reflected the growing confidence among members since the party was given official recognition on 3rd December, 2003. A sum of N5,600 was raised during a financial appeal.

The congress had received wide media coverage. It was reported in at least five national newspapers and three TV channels in Lagos.

The governorship nomination was won by Lateef Abassi, a pro-democracy activist and an officer of the party who was based in the US. Mrs. Teju Abiola, a former member of the National Executive Committee of the party, was elected as the deputy governorship candidate. Richard Akinnola, a journalist and media rights campaigner, was chosen to carry the party's flag in Mushin 2 constituency in the House of Representatives.

Four socialists and members of DSM who stood as candidates in the party primary elections at the congress were successful. Among them is Lanre Arogundade, who was former NANS president and former chairman of the NUJ in Lagos State, who would be the party's candidate in the Lagos West senatorial district, the biggest and most populous in the country. Niyi Adewunmi, a lawyer and former speaker of the Obafemi Awolowo University students' union was elected for Ifako-Ijaiye federal constituency.

Oyo State

The state congress of the NCP Oyo State chapter was held on Monday 6th January, 2003 at Teacher's House, NUT Oyo State wing, Oluyole Estate, Ibadan. About 100 people attended the congress most of whom were students\youths, middle-aged workers and professionals.

The congress received adequate press attention as most of the invited media outfits, both print and electronic turned up to give coverage to the even.

At the congress, some party candidates for the next general elections were elected. Femi Aborisade, the National General Secretary of the party, was elected as the party's gubernatorial candidate. Two of the candidates elected at the congress - one for Federal House of Representatives and the other for State House of Assembly - are women. Two socialist student activists were elected to contest for the State House of Assembly elections in next general elections.

National Congress

The special national congress of the NCP to elect the party's candidate for the posts of president and vice-president took place on 8th January, 2003. A total of 516 party members were accredited for the meeting although about 1000 people were present. The congress elected the party's founder and national chairman, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, the human rights activist and lawyer, as the party's presidential flag bearer. Barrister Jerry Gopye, from Plateau State, was elected vice-presidential candidate.

On Friday, 17th January, 2003, at a meeting of the "Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and Registered Political Parties Consultative Forum"

, INEC informed representatives of the political parties present that a political party will not be allowed to present candidates for the 2003 general elections unless it pays to INEC, for the each of its candidates across the country, the following fees: Presidential candidate N500,000, Senatorial candidate N250,000, House of Representatives candidates N150,000, Gubernatorial candidate N300,000, House of Assembly candidate N50,000. 

By this new, illegal, provocative and outrageous regime of fees being introduced by INEC, assuming all political parties were to field candidates for elective offices across the states of the federation, then each party would pay to INEC the sum of N169,950,000! And if this is multiplied by the 30 political parties, it amounts to N5,098,500,000 that INEC expects to gather from this illegal business of trading with political parties' contest and the democratic rights of Nigerians.

The National Conscience Party (NCP), one of the newly registered political parties, has however vowed to fight this latest attempt by INEC to place another hurdle before it and other pro-masses, radical but poor parties to contest the 2003 elections. According to the NCP, "the imposition of fees on candidates is another attempt to rig election (before it actually held) in favour of the PDP and other ruling parties …… why should wealth (genuinely or corruptly acquired), be the determinant of who should be candidates for election in a democracy".

Apart from taking legal action, the NCP vows to organise "mass rallies, processions, and protests on the streets and to INEC offices throughout Nigeria".

The Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) joins the NCP and some other parties to condemn this latest imposition of illegal and unconstitutional, so-called "processing fees"

on political parties by INEC. We commend the NCP for its open rejection of such anti-poor proposition, and hereby declare our support for its earlier highlighted plans to compel the INEC to rescind its decision. We further call on the poor working people, market men and women, students and youths, trade unions, pro-democracy organisations, etc, and other parties to rally round the struggle against the illegal processing fees of INEC.

INEC claims to derive its power to impose the illegal outrageous processing fees on political parties, from section 21 subsection (4) and (8) of the Electoral Act 2002. But this is false.

Nothing in the above quoted section of the Electoral Act 2002 empowers INEC, as it claims, to impose "processing fees", or any other fees whatsoever, on party candidates.

But why would INEC insist on imposing the provocative, illegal "processing fees" on parties outside the provisions of all known laws guiding the conduct of elections in Nigeria? The answer is simple. INEC, as the electoral organ of the ruling, thieving, irresponsible capitalist elite, spread across the dominant capitalist parties of PDP, ANPP, AD, etc, cannot be expected to be unbiased in an electoral contest between its bosses and pro-masses, radical parties like the NCP, which has vowed, if elected to power, to probe the illicitly gotten wealth of its leaders and representatives; put through some radical reforms in areas like the economy, social security, education, health care, etc, and generally pose a threat to the ill-gotten privileges of the capitalist ruling elites. Hence, the preparedness of INEC, as a willing tool in the hands of the ruling PDP and other bourgeois parties, to introduce rules, guidelines and procedure, just like the illegal and unconstitutional processing fees, designed to prevent radical, pro-working people political parties like NCP from fielding candidates in the coming general elections, having failed in its earlier undemocratic attempt to prevent the registration of political parties until it was compelled by a Supreme Court judgment of 8th November, 2002.

In the December 2002 special bulletin of our paper, the Socialist Democracy, we stated: 

"To us in the DSM, this decision by INEC to allow NCP and other political parties that were earlier refused registration to stand candidates in subsequent elections will go down in history as one of the decisive victories won by the working people since January 1966 when the military wing of the Nigerian ruling class first seized power and abolish the right to organise political parties and contest elections without having to first get the approval of the government or any of its agencies…… 

But while the registration of the NCP undoubtedly represents a big step forward for the working masses, to us in the DSM, it should be seen just as a stage in the struggle of the masses for genuine multi-party democracy and an end to the endless life of mass poverty and capitalist oppression. A lot of huge obstacles still remain to be overcome".

Barely one month after, one of such huge obstacles has been thrown across the path of the poor working masses to enjoy their hard-earned victory recorded by the struggle for the registration of more political parties and the expansion of the political space, which was hitherto dominated solely by money bag, pro-rich, anti-poor capitalist parties. 

The NCP must therefore be prepared to continue to mobilize the poor working masses, which constitute the bulk of its members, the students and youth, other strata of the oppressed and all other change-seeking people to wage ceaseless battle against all undemocratic attempts by INEC and its masters in the ruling capitalist parties to deny it of the opportunity to offer an alternative to the working masses against the rot and irresponsibility represented by the current ruling capitalist class. The aim of INEC is to turn the registration secured by NCP and other parties into mere paper registration, knowing well that its newly introduced, unconstitutional and illegal "processing fees"

can only be paid by money bag parties and politicians who have been responsible for the massive looting and outright stealing of our collective resources to the detriment of the poor toiling masses. INEC intends to operate a "democracy" of a very few, super-rich looters, military generals and rogues.

Even if it fails in its latest attempt to create another unjust and illegal barrier for pro-working masses parties like NCP to contest the coming elections, and it is compelled by legal and popular mass actions of the masses to rescind this latest decision, INEC and the ruling capitalist class in general would still try other means to prevent a party like the NCP from capturing power. 

Those methods could even include the use of acts of violence against NCP members and activists; organising conspiracies against the NCP and pro-working people parties, and the outright rigging of the elections. Already there are widespread reports of the antics of the military generals, the moneybag politicians and their agents, whom INEC's politics of moneytisation is orchestrated to favour, to rig themselves to power, of course in collusion with INEC, in the coming elections. Already there are reports of the discovery of millions of fake ballot papers.

For instance, in The Guardian of Friday, 17th January, there is a report of the arrest of operators of a printing outlet who confessed to have been contacted to print fake ballot papers by a retired army colonel. According to the paper, the suspects also disclosed that the "colonel" agreed to pay N200 per copy of the fake card. They were to print five million cards, amounting to N100,000,000. 

So, while INEC is conspiring to churn out series of illegal, unconstitutional anti-poor, pro-rich-looters regulations to prevent parties like the NCP, its anointed bosses, the retired military generals and other moneybag politicians are busy plotting their game to rig out parties of the poor masses like the NCP in event that INEC failed in all its undemocratic attempts to stop the NCP and other parties from fielding candidates in the elections.

Therefore, while struggling against the latest illegal roadblock mounted by INEC on its part, as represented by the so-called processing fees, NCP and in fact the working masses in general must take measures to minimize or prevent the ruling class parties from rigging the coming elections. To this end, NCP should encourage its members and activists and the working masses to establish democratic grassroot, local election monitoring committees who will be very vigilant and monitor voting in the polling centres and collation of results. Also, NCP must educate and organise the masses to be prepared at all times to struggle to defend their votes and rights.

Following massive opposition to the illegal "processing fees", INEC on the 29th January, announced the reduction in the said fees. But in a quick reaction to the latest decision, the Lagos State chapter of NCP has called for total cancellation and not partial reduction of the fees.

In a statement signed by Segun Sango, the state chairman of the party, the NCP says: "The attention of the Lagos State Chapter of the National Conscience Party (NCP) has been drawn to a statement credited to Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and repeated in some national newspapers including the Guardian of Thursday, January 30, 2003, to the effect that the commission has decided to slash its illegal so-called processing fees imposed on political parties candidates by about 80%. Consequently, candidates seeking to contest for political offices will now be expected to pay the following charges: Presidential candidate N100, 000 instead of N500, 000, Senatorial candidate N50,000 instead of N250, 000, House of Representatives N30,000 instead of N150,000, Governorship candidate N60,000 as against N300,000, and House of Assembly N10,000 instead of N50,000.

While we acknowledge the reduction in the said unnecessary, illegal and provocative fees by INEC, we wish to state without mincing words that our position remains the same on this issue. We maintain that the so-called processing fees is illegal, unconstitutionally, null and void, abinitio and it should totally be withdrawn.

Though INEC claims to derive the powers to impose the illegal fees on political parties from section 21 subsection 4 and 8 of the Electoral Act 2002, but such a claim is false. There is no existing constitutional or legal provision that empowers INEC to impose any such fees on candidates. In fact what the constitution state is that the Federal Government shall subsidise political parties and this is contained in section 228(c) of the 1999 constitution and section 81(c) of the electoral act 2002.

Therefore INEC is only perpetrating illegality by attempting to impose the so-called processing fees on political parties and their candidates. As a principled political party that has always fought against illegality and struggled for the respect for the provisions of the constitution and enforcement of the constitutional and democratic rights of Nigerians, particularly the poor working masses, whom INEC's illegal processing fees is targeted against, we shall continue to fight this latest illegality of INEC, with all legitimate means available until total victory is achieved and the illegal fees are totally withdrawn.

We are however happy that by our earlier actions and opposition to the illegal fees, this partial reprieve has been achieved.

Meanwhile, may we also use this medium to condemn the action of the police on Wednesday 29th January, 2003 when men of police force physically prevented our members, who were exercising their constitutional right to peaceful protest to the Lagos State office of INEC to register our opposition to the illegal processing fees.

We are baffled that even in a democracy the police could resort to such unconstitutional and unethical act with so much impunity."

Socialist Democracy (SD): What is the significance of the recent registration of NCP by INEC?

Segun Sango (SS): The most important significance of the registration of the NCP by the so-called INEC is that struggle pays. If the NCP and other 4 political parties that legally fought the battle to Supreme Court had folded their arms after the initial rejection of their registration bid, if the NCP leaders and members had not undertaken ceaseless propaganda and agitation against INEC's undemocratic, pro-rich political guidelines, the forthcoming general elections would have been an exclusive contest between the looters masquerading as politicians in PDP, ANPP, AD and other pro-rich political parties. This lesson that struggle pays was not only relevant yesterday, it remains absolutely crucial for NCP's today and tomorrow. For instance, having been forced to register NCP and other political parties, INEC and its pro-rich backers in government have now introduced a prohibitive "

processing fees" to ensure that a pro-masses political party like the NCP is technically knocked out from presenting electoral challenge for power to the present ruinous political leaders.

Even if NCP and other pro-poor, pro-working masses political parties are eventually allowed to run candidates in the forthcoming elections, the ruinous members of the capitalist ruling class and their imperialist backers will stop at nothing to make sure that a party like NCP is stopped from coming to power, and if at all it comes to power, to do everything to obstruct the party's goal of abolishing poverty. This is because the capitalists measure their glory on the depth of the gulf that separates themselves from the living conditions of the impoverished working masses.

Only concerted mass democratic struggles, which place at its centre the reconstruction and transformation of the prevailing unjust capitalist social order can ultimately brake the unholy conspiracy of the elites to kept the mass of the working masses and poor in perpetual socio-economic bondage.

SD: As the chairman of the NCP in Lagos State, what is your assessment of the level of support for the party among the masses both before and after the registration?

SS: I think there has always been a significant level of support for the NCP among the suffering working masses right from its inception. This has been undergoing a considerable growth since after the party has become officially recognised as a political party in Nigeria. What this shows is that there is a deep-seated yearning for a change on the part of the working masses to the prevailing bankrupt socio-political system. This by the way is being cynically acknowledged by the ruling class electoral tool called INEC. 

Plainly put, it has the fear that a pro-masses party like the NCP can begin to have serious political support of the working masses, a phenomenon seen as detrimental to the self-serving agenda of the capitalist elements nationally and internationally. NCP rank and file leaders must therefore fully appreciate the fact that only by consistently fighting for actualisation of the aspiration and basic economic and political needs of the masses can they continue to be relevant to the masses' quest for change.

To this end, NCP must always see itself as a party of mass struggle. This is because the capitalist ruling class has never and will never voluntarily implement any economic or political measure that can fundamentally improve the lot of the masses. Even when they are occasionally forced by rhythm of class struggle to grant certain minimal economic and political concessions e.g. increment in minimum wage, registration of several political parties, etc., they always almost instantly implement worse counter-productive measures and policies such as mass retrenchment of workers, privatisation of the commanding heights of the economy, commercialisation of social services and basic needs such as food, housing, education, health care, telecommunications and lately monetisation of political contest, INEC's pro-rich "processing fees".

The masses must therefore not entertaining illusion. Meaningful change can only come out of mass struggles. These mass struggles must be centrally guided to right the wrongs of the prevailing capitalist disorder. How is this to be done? The greatest contradiction of the prevailing capitalist order is that the natural and human resources required to guarantee a decent socio-political existence for the working masses and poor in general are in the hands of insatiable greedy, self-serving egoists. For as long as these elements remain rich in ill-gotten blood money, they care less and in fact revel in the mystery and oppression of the overwhelming majority of humankind.

The main revolutionary task therefore before the current generation of working masses and pro-masses political fighters is the creation of a powerful working people's controlled political party which is sensitive and willing to fight alongside the masses in their day-to-day economic and political struggle. While striving to always combine this day-to-day struggle with the need for a complete social transformation of the prevailing decadent economic and political disorder.

SD: Corruption among politicians is a major phenomenon in most capitalist societies, especially in the neo-colonial countries and particularly Nigeria. What do you think the NCP needs to do to avoid also being caught in this trap?

SS: There are two fundamental ways in which the NCP can combat the virus of corruption that has been the bane of the Nigerian society. Firstly, the NCP leaders and rank and file members must always strive to make sure that its representatives holding governmental and party positions are held politically and financially accountable at all times. Among other things, this will involve measures aimed at building the party as a mass democratic entity wherein the rank and file members and structures of the party have a decisive say in the day-to-day running and policy formulation and implementation of the party.

Representatives of the party, particularly those holding government positions must not only be compelled to make an open declaration of their assets, party members must ensure that they are not paid more than the average salary of those that they are representing. Unlike the present fake anti-corruption crusade of General Obasanjo's government, an NCP government will have to ensure that every corrupt official and persons are dealt with in accordance with the laws of the land. The NCP members must be prepared to fight for the right to recall any elected or appointed official who no longer represent the true aspiration of their electors.

Ultimately however, the most effective way to eradicate the prevailing corruption syndrome is to fight for the enthronement of a democratic socialist society wherein the basic resources of nature and society will be placed under the common ownership and democratic control of the working people themselves. Under this kind of arrangement, production will be geared towards the satisfaction of the needs of the entire society unlike the prevailing unjust capitalist order where the common heritage of humanity has been converted into private estates and fiefdoms of a few capitalist rogues in the name of privatisation.

SD: The NCP was founded in 1994 in defiance of military dictatorship. In the present situation of civil rule, what strategy would you recommend for building the NCP as a mass-based, grassroot party?

SS: The formation of NCP in defiance of military martial laws was a positive statement in the defence of democratic right of the working people. Presently, the military has been forced out of power for almost four years now, a constitutional government has come to be, yet, a cursory glance at the socio-economic conditions of the working masses both under the military and now shows that nothing fundamentally has happened to make the conditions of the working masses better under the prevailing so-called democratic dispensation. 

The capitalist civilian politicians across the country, across the political parties, have shown themselves to be self-serving and corrupt as their military counterparts. While of course, they do not have the boundless arbitrary powers of a military regime, the current set of rulers just like their military counterparts have exhibited a constant penchant for the violation of the economic and democratic rights of ordinary working masses and youth. 

The Odi genocide, the Benue genocide, the ongoing efforts to frustrate the efforts of the working masses to form and belong to a political party of their choice are just few of the undemocratic and dictatorial tendencies of the current set of civilian rulers. For the interest of the masses therefore to be guaranteed at all time, the NCP must be consciously built as a party of mass struggles, in and out of office, whose ultimate goal is the revolutionary transformation of society along democratic socialist path.

SD: What are the prospects for the NCP in the forthcoming elections?

SS: Against the background of the bankruptcy and wholesome corruption of the current capitalist rulers within the AD, ANPP, PDP, etc., on the basis of the enviable pro-masses tradition and anti-corruption crusades of the NCP leaders at national and state levels, the NCP has a very good chance of utilising the deep-seated desire of the working masses for a clear alternative to the present rot. It is very important however to know that this will only happen if the rank and file members of the NCP take the party programme and fighting tradition to the working class people and the poor in general. 

To this end, conscious effort must be made to adopt pro-masses and grassroot strategies in party's campaigns and mobilisation. While the looters in government will spare no cost on television, radio and bill boards adverts, NCP activists must see as a priority mass rallies, mass leafleting, mass postering, door-to-door campaigns among the working class people and poor in general. If this is consistently done, the mass of the working class people and youth will surely deepen their support for the party not only in the coming elections but also in the aftermath.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has a justifiably hatred reputation in Nigeria. This international agency is rightly seen as one of the instruments used by imperialism to secure implementation of the austerity policies, SAP and its successors, that we have endured since the mid-1980s.

As part of its role, the IMF maintains an office here checking the "progress" that Nigeria is making towards carrying out the imperialists' objectives. Regularly this office prepares a report, the latest of which was published on January 2nd, 2003. Notwithstanding the IMF's completely pro-imperialist and pro-capitalist role, this latest report confirms the utter rottenness of Nigerian capitalism and the ruling elite's corruption and looting.

Right at the outset the IMF states something most Nigerians already know from bitter experience: "the high expectations from the return to democratic rule for growth and poverty reduction have not been fulfilled" (page 6).

Generally the IMF confirms that the economic situation is worsening. In 2001 and 2002, 

"the fiscal deficit widened, the external current account deteriorated, inflation accelerated, and the parallel exchange rate premium increased …an expansionary fiscal policy, lower reserves, rising domestic short-term debt, and a weak banking system raise Nigeria's vulnerability" (page 4). 

What this means is that the government is printing money, what the IMF calls a "sharp increase in government spending" (page 5), in a pre-election effort to meet some of its bills and boost the economy, but the result is more inflation, further sharp falls in the naira's value, more debt and increased danger of another financial crash.

Understandably, the PDP keep quiet about this and especially the IMF's call for "monetary tightening" (page 4), i.e. yet more austerity measures after the elections.

But even more importantly, the PDP also keeps quiet about the IMF's more significant conclusion that Nigeria's economy actually is shrinking, declining by 0.9% in 2002. The IMF directly challenged the Federal Government's official claims. The report states "the authorities project real non-oil GDP to grow by 7.8% and overall GDP by 1% in 2002 significantly higher that the (IMF) staff's projections of 5.3% and 0.9%, respectively …the (IMF) staff argued that available data on non-oil; economic activity did not support such a high growth rate; over the past decade, the non-oil economy had not experienced annual growth rates exceeding 4%" (page 17).

Indeed the IMF report points to the good harvests, because of good rains, and the growth of telecommunications as the only positive factors in the non-oil economy (page 6). But both are not stable. A good harvest can easily be followed by a bad one, the rains are not the same every year. Furthermore, the telecommunications boom is dependent on people earning enough in other sectors of the economy to buy phones, make calls and use the Internet. As far as the rest of the Nigerian economy is concerned, it is in decline.

Now it seems that there will not be any benefit from the current high price of oil. It seems that this extra windfall revenue is being used to import oil in an attempt to overcome continuing problems at our refineries and ensure that there are no fuel shortages in this pre-election period.

Along with painting a bleak picture of Nigeria's economy, the IMF are damning on the ruling elite's corruption. Referring to government spending it asks that 

"emphasis should be placed on reconciling warrants, mandates and transfers by the Office of the Accountant General in coordination with the Central bank of Nigeria" (page 27). 

In plain speak, this means that there should be full records of how and where government money is actually spent, not just the formal budget plans. In an appendix, the IMF goes further and write: 

"fiscal data in Nigeria have historically been opaque" (page 55).

Very diplomatically, the IMF suggests that this 

"should start in the oil and gas sector. This could include the publishing of annual audited reports and accounts of the national oil company and its subsidiaries, as well as those of the private oil companies incorporated in Nigeria. The next step would be to audit and publish the accounts of federal government expenditure, so that the public could see the uses of oil (and non-oil) revenue" (page 27).

How polite! But how utopian are the IMF's pleas! For decades the Nigerian elite have based their wealth on looting the country, they have no idea of trying to develop the economy. Hence the looters', and would be looters', massive financial investment in elections so that they can grab a share in the nation's income. That's why there are no accounts and, if any accounts where produced, they would be rigged just as the PDP falsify the general economic data.

But this situation is not just a result of a robber mentality. It reflects the fact that, in a world economy dominated by imperialism, the local Nigerian capitalists cannot compete with the big boys either in the world or home markets. So the local capitalists either loot or become agents for the imperialist monopolies. This is why on a capitalist road there is no solution for the Nigerian masses.

A report like that of the IMF gives only figures, it does not say what the facts mean for the lives of the Nigerian masses.

Statements that the Nigerian economy contracted by 0.9% in a year have to be taken in the situation where the country's population is rapidly growing. The report gives the World Bank's estimates that in less than 20 years, the total population has grown from 83.2 million to 126.9 million now, of which 70.2% live below the international poverty line or received less than $1/N130 naira a day. This means that, on average, income per head fell by more than 0.9% last year.

The report also shows the gap between rich and poor, the richest 20% of Nigerians get 55.7% of the country' total income, while the poorest 20% receive only 4.4%.

The report's figures show how the past twenty years have witnessed a terrible decline. To give one example, during these two decades an average Nigerian women's life expectancy has fallen from 49 to 48 years, while a man's has remained at 47 years. In the same period the there has been a huge jump of the numbers, 25.5 to 55.8 million, living in urban areas as grinding poverty and lack of development forced millions to flee from the countryside to the unplanned chaos and often destitution in our cities.

The IMF report offers no way forward, just the failed recipes of privatisation to benefit the imperialists and rich, and austerity measures for the rest of us. Only a break with the rotten system of capitalism can take us out of this downward spiral.

The 8th delegates conference of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) comes up on February 6th, 2003 at Abuja. The conference is essentially to elect officers to run the affairs of the congress for the next four years.

There seems to be no serious challenge to the incumbent leadership of Adams Oshiomhole, who looks set to get another four years mandate. However, there is a need for a critical review of the first four years of Adams Oshiomhole’s leadership.

Unlike the ponderous, openly right-wing leadership of the NLC of Pascal Bafyau's era, the current NLC president, Adams Oshiomhole, has brought robust flair to debate on labour and other relevant socio-political issues. Cogent facts and figures are produced by the leadership to back-up its campaigns.

However, the NLC leadership's propaganda and programme all suffer from a fundamental weakness. Every one of its programme and policy is always based on the illusory perspective of wanting to make capitalism and its managers perform better, in the interest of the working masses. The NLC leaders have retreated from their mid-1980s acceptance of socialism as the objective of the labour movement and today see no alternative to capitalism. Hence the labour leaders are unwilling to let struggles develop to a point where they challenge the whole capitalist system.

The Adams Oshiomhole leadership has led a series of national strikes against fuel price increases and also engaged some state governments for non-payments of the agreed minimum wage. Also some companies and banks have not been spared. But in the NLC's campaign against casualisation, the ambiguous position and pronouncements of the NLC leadership on issues such as privatisation, deregulation and commercialisation has done a lot of damage by creating confusion amongst the working class and raising serious doubts about the ability of labour to combat the ruling class.

The NLC leadership's membership of the National Council on Privatisation that has been overseeing the sales of public assets has also not helped matters Instead of openly mobilising against the sales of public property, Adams Oshiomhole is saying that "workers should be allowed to buy part of the companies" as if the workers even if allowed to 'buy' have the money to do so. The NLC leadership hinges its support for the sales of NITEL, NEPA, etc., on the basis of these public enterprises not being "functional".

As socialists have always maintained, there is nothing intrinsically wrong with public ownership of society's economy and resources. However for such public ownership to fully flourish, there must be actual "public" working class democratic control and management of all publicly owned resources. 

Wherever publicly owned resources and properties are left under the management and control of individualistic, bureaucratic, capitalists elements, it has always produced disastrous consequences against the economic and political interests of the working masses. Under this kind of arrangement, corruption, nepotism, red-tapism, mismanagement, etc., are bound to be the order of the day. It was precisely this lack of working class democratic control over the nationalised and centralised economies of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe that led to the eventual collapse of these Stalinists entities.

For the same reasons, NITEL, NEPA, etc., are not working not because they were not given sufficient money to operate, but because most of such money were usually stolen in the best spirit of "private enterprise" by its self-serving managers who are in no practical sense accountable to the masses who constitute the bulk of their expected customers.

The NLC under Oshiomhole's leadership has waged a lot of campaign on the issue of increased minimum wage, and since he assumed office, the official minimum wage has increased from N3,500 to between N5,500 and N7,500 for private and public sectors respectively. Regrettably however, this has not brought about any fundamental relief or improvement in the living conditions of the masses. While of course, as usual with capitalism, a tiny layer of the working masses may have achieved a noticeable improvement in their living standard, it has been a different ball game for the generality of the working masses.

On the basis of this increment alone, hundreds of thousands across the country have been retrenched by the different sections of the employers, on the pretext that those sacked could not be conveniently paid by their employers as a result of this increment. For this same reason, a state of virtual embargo against new employment reigns. 

Even thousands of those that have been unjustly retrenched, like those in Lagos state are yet to be paid their terminal benefits since after their unjust sack. As usual, the capitalists government's excuse is that there is not enough money to meet workers basic and legitimate aspirations, meanwhile no matter how broke the government is, the top officials and their capitalists contractors and friends will always find enough money to meet their own selfish ends.

Therefore, the minimum wage issue must be seen by socialists and working class activists as an issue that can never be satisfactorily permanently resolved in favour of the working class within the framework of capitalism. Whatever concessions the capitalists are forced to make in new minimum wage will always be negated by other counter-productive measures. 

This could be in form of back log of arrears of salaries and allowances, mass retrenchment of workers, commercialisation of indispensable social services like housing, health care, education, water, electricity, telecommunications, etc. Unfortunately however, the current NLC leadership gives the impression that adequate minimum wage can be won within the framework of capitalism. This is a fundamental error.

Labour politics is equally fundamentally flawed. Truly, Adams Oshiomhole's leadership has consistently raised criticism about corruption in high places. It has even organised protests and demonstrations against perceived corrupt tendencies of members of the National Assembly at a time. Sadly enough, this critique is usually done with a view of getting capitalist state functionaries or sections of the ruling class to effect necessary changes. Sadly however, the NLC leadership has failed to draw the appropriate conclusion that what the labouring masses need is a clean break with the policies and parties of the capitalist class.

The NLC leadership also sponsored and formed the Party for Social Democracy (PSD), one of the parties newly registered by INEC. But because of its pro-capitalist programme, its lack of a fighting strategy and the lack-lustre record of labour leaders, this party so far has not attracted support of even workers, talk less of other strata of the oppressed masses.

However, socialists and working class activists must not regard these fundamental shortcomings of the Oshiomhole leadership as a personal or national peculiarity. Rather, this should be seen as part of the world-wide, right-wing shift and ideological retreat by the labour leadership following the collapse of the Stalinist states, which were erroneously equated with socialism. Therefore, part of our central task today is to fight for the acceptance of basic socialist explanations and approaches in the day-to-day struggle of the working masses, in the trade unions and within youth organisations.

There is the need to return labour to its best radical past. The trade union movement needs to be rebuilt ideologically and organisationally, with educational programmes and mobilisation activities. There must be grassroot democracy in unions, with rank and file control over the policies of the unions and the leadership. Opportunist and corrupt leaders should be replaced democratically. 

To reduce the corruption and careerism, which have eaten deep into the unions, labour leaders at all levels must be democratically elected and should receive not more than the wage of an average skill worker. Without this kind of approach, the current NLC leadership's selective economic and political radicalism will soon completely run out of steam. It is never given that a correct political understanding and bold leadership will always automatically win every struggle. Even then, it will be easier for workers to recognise the reasons why a particular objective can not be attained and what should be done to achieve same.

Sporadic campaigns against the privatisation and deregulation of the oil sector, while giving support to the privatisation of NEPA and NITEL will always leave workers confused and ideologically unprepared. The conclusion has to be sharply drawn that the working masses need to carry out protracted mass struggles and strikes with the ultimate goal of overthrowing the prevailing unjust capitalist system.

The point to be stressed is that only a socialist society can provide the socio-economic framework, where production and services will be primarily planned for use and satisfaction of the needs and aspirations of everybody. Under a genuine socialist government of workers and poor peasants, there will be less need and opportunities for profiteering and racketeering which are the hallmarks of the prevailing unjust capitalist system. Unless this outlook forms the basis of Oshiomhole's NLC in the coming period, its seemingly radical and progressive stance on certain issues affecting the working masses will always inevitably end in cul-de-sac and even outright betrayal of the masses.

The students of Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife have been out of classrooms since June 2002 and the authorities have announced the new regime of fees with the introduction of new charges and increase in the payable fees.

The students are supposed to have resumed since September 2002. The perpetual closure is as a result of different developments that have cropped up. These developments stem from the characteristic crisis of the education system ranging from misappropriation, dishonesty and insincerity of the government, administrative insensitivity to the under-funding. Specifically, the industrial actions embarked upon by the non-academic staff unions and the academic union at different periods are responsible for the closure.

In August, 2002 the university's chapters of Non-Academic Staff Union and Senior Staff of the Nigerian Universities went on a joint strike to demand payment of their 30 month long due (examination allowance) entitlement. They alleged authorities to have misappropriated the funds meant for that purpose.

When this strike was called off and the authorities intended to reopen the school, they could not do so because the Academic Staff Union of Universities had ordered its members to withhold the results of the students for the previous semester. ASUU exploited this action to force the authorities and the government to replace the two steps that were cut from their salaries. The authorities argued that the scrapping of the two steps was as a result of a circular issued by the minister for education, Dr. Babalola Borisade. 

However, in spite of this circular, the authorities of some universities paid the normal salaries while some including those of OAU Ile-Ife did not. The lecturers considered the action of the government arbitrary and as a slap on their face in that it amounted to demotion of every lecturer by two steps and more so since the original salary that had already been implemented before the issuance of the circular, was a product of roundtable between the ASUU and the government. 

The government has now ordered the replacement of that two step, but this after the academic staff had gone on a total and indefinite strike over the non-implementation of the June 2001 agreement between the government and the ASUU. The agreement contains allocation of 26% of the annual budget to education, recall of the unjustly sacked 44 lecturers at University of Ilorin, special funds for the state universities from the federal cover, etc.

By now, there is no end in sight to the on going ASUU strike as the dialogue between the union and the government has yielded no fruit. This implies that students of OAU Ile-Ife will stay much longer at home, in fact until further notice. However, at present, they are not alone as they have been joined by the students from other universities.

Whenever, the school is re-opened, the students of OAU Ile-Ife have to contend with the question of the school fees. To the authorities the increment has come to stay and in fact they have refused to dialogue with the students union despite the willingness of the later. They have been using the closure of the school as a threat to enforce the implementation of the policy. It can be recalled that earlier in September an impression was created by the authorities propaganda machinery that the students' union was the obstacle to the reopening of the institution due to its resolve to fight against the obnoxious increase in fees, in order to divide the rank and file of the students and weakened their collective resolve against the policy. It took no time before the truth came up.

Although, the efforts of the students' union leadership so far as regards the struggle against fees are commendable, they have to intensify its mobilisation and campaign on this so as to properly educate and sustain the steadfastness of the students who are obviously are tired of the prolonged stay at home and may have been thinking of backing out of the struggle. The students will have to be made to realise that the struggle can be won only if the they take the pain to take last step towards the total victory. 

A mass movement of the students on resumption will make it clear to the university authorities that the students are serious on their resolve to fight to the last. As stated earlier authorities may threaten to close down the school again if we protest, we should refuse to be bothered and carry on. That is a pointer to the victory. It should be noted that balance of forces between authorities and the union will determine the outcome of the struggle..

The union leadership will also have to enlighten the students on the need to appreciate the essence of the current ASUU struggle which is revamping of education with proper funding, justice for their colleagues in UNILORIN, among other legitimate demands. The students ought to fight along with the staff and not unduly attacking them.

However, the union should also agitate for the need for a joint action of all students and the staff unions within the university system. It is only the alliance of the oppressed strata of any society, led by focused working class leadership with anti-capitalist programmes that can fight and win a better living conditions and welfare for the people on a lasting basis. Moreover, the Federal Government will not have the cause to blackmail any union as being fighting for their selfish interest alone.

Continued ...